•St^^fS5ra^i?!?r 


Srom  f^e  Eifirarg  of 

(pxofcBBox  ^amuef  (UlifPer 

in  (^cmorg  of 

3ubge  ^amuef  (ttlifPer  QSrecftinribge 

(Jjreeenteb  6|? 

^amuef  (gltffer  QSrecftinrtbge  feon^ 

to  f^  feifiratg  of 

(Princeton  C^eofogicaf  ^eminarg 


^V# 


OF    THE 


CMARACTEK,  CAUSES-  AND  END^ 


OB' 


THE  PRESENT  WAR, 


V 

BY  ALEXANDER  M'LEOD,  D.  D, 

PASTOR    OF    THS    REFORMED    PRESBYTERIAN    CHURCH, 
NEW- YORK. 


'  Hearken  to  me ;  I  also  will  show  mine  opinion."    Elihu. 
'  Hear  ya  tbe  rod,  and  who  hath  appoiuUd  it."    Micas. 


->♦<■ 


SECOND  EDITION. 

— — •s®A^<^-®®®e»—  - 

NEW-YORK: 

PDBLISHED   BY   EASTBURN,  KIRK  AND   CO.;   WHITINO  AND 
WATSON3   AND   SMITH  AND   FORMAN. 

Paul  Sf  Thomas^  Printers. 
1815. 


^Uiiid  ofJS'eiv-  York,  iS. 
|JE  IT  UEMESIRERED,  tbat  oa  the  Twentieth  Jay  of  January,  in  tiie  T hirty-oktii 
JD   year  of  tlie  Indepeu'lence  of  the  United  States  of  America.  Alexasder  M'Lsod, 
of  the  said  district,  l»i3   dijjKiaited  in  this  otfice  the  title  of  a  book,   the  right  whereof  he 
claims  as  Author,  in  the  words  foUowiijo;,  to  wit : 

"  A  Scriptural  View  of  the  Character.  Causes,  aii'i  Ends  nf  the  Present  War,  by  Alexandeb 
M'Leop,  D  D.  Phitor  of  the  Reformed  Presliyteriaii  Cliuren,  New- York. 
'  Hesrlien  untn  me  :  I  also  will  show  mine  0(>iuion.'     EHku. 
'Hear  ye  the  rod,  and  who  hath  appointe<l  it '    Micah.  " 
Tn  conformity  to  the  act  of  the  Con'ress  of  the  United  States,  entitled  "  an  Act  for  the  en- 
cburafrement  of    I,earnin2.    by  securing  the   copies  of   iVlaps,    Charts,    and  Books  to    the 
authors  and   (iroprietors  of  such  copies,  durin;;  the  time  therein  mentioned."     .^nd   also  t« 
an  Act,   eutltled,   •' au  4ct.  supplt^mentHry   to  an  ^ci,  entitled  an    Act  for  the  encourage- 
ment of  Learning,   liy  securins;  the  copie?  of  Maps,  Charts,  and  Books  to  the  authors  and 
pfoprietorf  of  such  coiJie-,  during   (he  times  therein  mentioned,  and   extending  the  benefits 
thereof  to  tfte  arts  of  designing,  eDgraving,  and  etching  historical  and  other  prints  " 

THERON  RUDD, 
Clerk  of  ttie  Southern  District  of  New- York. 


PREFACE. 


An  a  free  country,  it  is  the  privilege  of  the  subjeci 
to  examine,  and  to  judge  the  measures  of  the  go- 
vernment. AVhere  every  man  is  upon  the  footing  of 
equal  rights  with  another,  the  rulers  are  the  servants 
of  the  public;  their  personal  qualities,  and  their  of- 
ficial conduct,  are  of  course  proper  objects  of  ani- 
madversion. If  magistrates  are  found  deficient  in 
talents  or  integrity,  they  are  unfit  for  their  station ; 
and  if  their  official  deportment  should  prove  inju- 
rious to  the  commonwealth,  the  end  of  their  eleva- 
tion is  not  answered,  and  they  should,  of  course,  be 
dismissed  from  their  employment  by  the  people  over 
whom  they  unworthily  rule.  In  this  country,  the 
right  of  examining  the  merit  of  men  in  office,  and  of 
candidates  for  power,  is  fully  enjoyed.  The  press 
is  free ;  and  any  one,  who  chooses  to  be  at  the  trou- 
ble or  expense,  may  publish  his  opinions,  as  well  as 
freely  express  them  in  Ihe  circle  of  his  private 
.friends.  As  this  liberty  is  universal,  no  man  has  a 
right  to  complain  of  its  enjoyment  or  exercise  by 
another.  For  the  manner,  indeed,  in  which  a  per- 
son sees  proper  either  to  speak  or  to  write,  he  is 
amenable,  according  to  the  laws  of  courtesy  and  of 
equity,  to  the  proper  tribunals  in  civilized  life.    The 


ir  PREFACE. 

same  liberty  ^vhich  guarantees  a  fair  hearing  to  the 
opponents  of  the  measures  of  administration,  se- 
cures a  similar  right  to  those  who  undertake  their 
vindication.  Let  tlie  parties  contend  in  the  strife  of 
reason;  and  truth,  upon  an  equal  footing  with  error^ 
must  prevail, 

1  have  exercised,  in  the  discourses  now  laid  before 
the  public,  this  privilege  of  a  freeman.  /  have  be- 
lieved, therefore  have  I  spoken.  If  the  tendency  of 
my  publication  is  to  support  the  present  administra- 
tion of  the  government,  the  work  ought  not  to  be 
condemned  merely  on  that  account.  I  am  ready  to 
acknowledge,  that  a  great  part  of  my  most  intimate 
literary  friends  are  in  opposition ;  but  this  consi- 
deration does  not,  in  the  least  degree,  affect  my  con- 
victions of  truth  and  righteousness.  Against  the  pre- 
sent war,  much  of  that  opposition  has  been  directed. 
I  have  perceived,  grafted  upon  the  strife  for  place 
and  power,  errors  which  required  correction :  and, 
it  is  for  this  purpose,  more  than  for  the  sake  of  serv- 
ing the  rulers  of  the  land,  that  I  have  taken  up  the 
subject.  Had  I  thought  much  less  of  the  men,  who 
hold  the  sceptre,  than  I  do,  I  would  have  thought  and 
spoken  of  the  eausc  of  my  country  precisely  as  I 
have  done. 

These  sermons  were  addressed  to  christians,  from 
the  pulpit;  and  for  their  use,  they  are  principally 
intended,  when  issued  from  the  press.  Several  re^ 
spectable  ministers  of  religion  took  an  early  stand 
against  the  measures  of  government;  and  denounced. 


PREFACE.  ,  T 

jas  cruel,  and  unprovoked,  and  unjust,  the  present 
[appeal  to  arms.  These  opinions  remained  long  be- 
Ifore  the  public  without  contradiction ;  and  it  ap- 
ppeared,  from  the  activity  of  their  authors,  and  the 
jsilence  of  others,  as  if  they  were  incapable  of  re- 
Ifutation.  It  was  becoming  a  general  opinion,  that 
hlie  clergy  and  the  church  were,  on  the  great  ques- 
|Lion  between  the  United  States  and  England,  upon 
Ilie  side  of  the  enemy.  Many  pious  people  were 
discouraged ;  their  personal  exertions,  and  theii* 
prayers,  were  afiected  by  this  fact :  and  even,  when 
our  own  city  was  under  the  apprehension  of  imme- 
diate invasion,  so  great  was  the  force  of  prejudice, 
that  many  men  of  intelligent  piety  doubted,  whe- 
ther they  could  join  together  in  prayer,  for  courage 
to  our  warriors,  and  success  to  our  armamentSy  in 
order  to  procure  a  speedy,  an  honourable,  and  a  per- 
manent peace.  I  beheld  with  alarm,  the  extent  of 
the  evil  of  party  spirit.  I  viewed  it  as  a  judgment 
from  the  Lord ;  and  I  became  fearful  that  the  clouds 
of  his  indignation  must  thicken  around  us — that 
the  hand  of  the  enemy,  and  a  long  continuance  of 
calamity  would  become  necessary  in  divine  Pro- 
tvidence  to  effect  the  unanimity,  without  which,  I 
am  still  apprehensive,  we  shall  not  succeed  in  put- 
Uing  an  end  to  the  contest.     I  am  persuaded,  that  it 

irecjuires  no  more  than  a  display  of  unanimity  in 
RESISTING  aggression,  to  procure  at  any  time  an 
honourable  peace.  AVhile  the  enemy  expects  to  di- 
Tide,  why  should  he  seek  to  conciliate? 

The  principles  whicii  I  have  laid  down,  and  en- 
forced in  these  sermons,  are  not,  however,  of  mere 


VI  rilEFACE. 

temporary  interest.  Whether  in  peace,  or  at  Avar, 
they  are  of  importance  to  a  christian  community. 
They  are  the  permanent  principles  of  social  order 
and  public  equity.  If  the  work  contained  a  sin- 
gle sentiment  of  irreligious  or  immoral  tendency, 
I  would  cheerfully  consign  it  to  the  flames.  I 
love  mankind,  1  love  the  country  of  my  choice,  I 
love  the  saints;  and  I  desire  to  promote  the  best 
interests  of  true  religion  and  of  civil  liberty,  be- 
cause I  love  my  God. 

New- York,  Jan.  20,  1815. 


ADVERTISEMENT 

TO   THE   SECOND  EDITION. 


A  HE  demand  for  this  work  far  exceeded  the 
calculations  of  the  Author.  He  was  of  course  com- 
pelled, in  order  to  supply  subscribers,  to  publish 
another  edition.  The  arrangements  which  he  made 
with  the  printers  for  the  first  edition  were  also  in 
some  degree  inaccurate.  He  was  under  the  necessity 
of  withholding  from  the  press,  for  want  of  room, 
some  passages  towards  the  close  of  the  work.  These, 
although  they  do  not  materially  affect  the  argu- 
ment, are  restored  in  this  edition. 

iThe  author  avails  himself  of  this  opportunity  of 
congratulating  his  readers  upon  the  happy  return  of 
the  desired  peace.  Long  may  we  enjoy,  with  grati- 
tude to  our  God,  its  numerous  blessings.  Its  terms 
are  liberal  and  just.  No  false  principle  is  admitted : 
no  right,  on  either  side,  is  violated.  The  enemy,  had 
he  been  inclined  to  peace,  might  have  had  the 
same  terms,  at  any  hour  since  the  commencement 
of  hostilities :  and,  if  he  had  seen  proper  to  prolong 
the  contest  for  years,  it  is  not  probable  he  could 
have  realized  his  first  demands  at  Ghent.  Had 
he  speedily  met  our  commissioners  with  a  spirit  of 
equity  and  conciliation,  he  might  have  spared  us 
sowic  blood  and  treasure :  and  he  would  have  saved  for 


Vlll  ADVERTISEMENT. 

himse\{  much  of  both,  as  well  as,  that  which  is  to  him  of 
great  importance — his  military  renown.  Heaven  or- 
dered it  otherwise.  The  angel  of  the  covenant,  who, 
notwithstanding  our  iniquities,  presides  in  mercy 
over  the  destinies  of  our  free  and  happy  land,  had 
decreed,  that  the  enemy  should  send  his  veterans 
across  the  Atlantic,  with  their  hard-earned  laurels, 
for  the  purpose  of  transferring  them  to  the  brow  of 
American  heroes,  who  fought  and  conquered  in  vin- 
dication of  the  injured  rights  of  their  country.  In 
the  concluding  blow  of  the  war  we  have  a  guaran- 
tee that  our  national  rights  shall  not  again  be  rashly 
invaded.  The  battle  of  Orleans  cannot  be  forgotten. 
While  we  live  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  the  pacifi^ca- 
tion,  and  hold  in  honourable  recollection  the  deeds 
of  the  soldier,  let  us  be  grateful  to  him,  who  gave 
courage  to  our  warriors  and  success  to  our  armaments, 
so  far  as  seemed  to  himself  both  wise  and  good. 
Serve  the  Lord  with  fear,  and  rejoice  with  trembling. 
He  maketh  wars  to  cease  unto  the  ends  of  the  earth, 
New-York,  March  1,  1815. 


DISCOURSES,  «^v 


^1; 


-«;^9i^«^- 


SEMMOM  I. 

Aiiumah  said  unto  Amos,  O  thou  seer,  go,Jlee  thee 
away  into  the  land  of  Judah,  and  there  eat  bread, 
and  prophesy  there :  bid  prophesy  not  any  more  at 
Bethel;  for  it  is  the  king's  chapel,  and  it  is  the 
king's  court.  Then  answered  Amos,  and  said  to 
Amasiah,  I  was  no  prophet,  neither  was  I  a  pro- 
phet's son  ;  but  I  was  an  herdman,  and  a  gatherer 
of  sycamore  fruit:  and  the  Lord  took  me  as  I  fol- 
lowed the  flock ;  and  the  Lord  said  unto  me,  Go^ 
prophesy  unto  my  people  Israel.  Now,  Therefore, 
hear  thou  the  word  of  the  Lord.    Amos  vii.  12 — VQ. 

1  HE  subject,  which  I  propose  for  discussion  in  a 
series  of  discourses  to  be  delivered  on  this  hour  of 
the  Lord's  day,  has  always  been  considered  as  ly- 
ing out  of  the  common  routine  of  pulpit  exhibition  ; 
and  has  moreover,  by  some,  been  viewed  as  altoge- 
ther without  the  field  in  which  ministers  are  appoint- 
ed to  labour.  I,  of  course,  at  the  commencement  of 
my  remarks  on  the  present  state  of  our  public  af- 
fairs, anticipate  from  a  judicious  audience  the  ques- 
tion once  addressed  to  our  Saviour,  although  I  am 


10  THE    RIGHT    OF    DISCUSSING 

confident  it  will  be  proposed  in  quite  a  different 
spirit  from  that  which  influenced  the  Jewish  rulers. 
By  ivhal  avlhoritij  doest  thou  these  things  ?  and  rvht 
gave  thee  this  authority  /* 

It  is  a  wide  space,  christians,  that  separates  the 
line  of  conduct,  which  would  subject  the  public  mi- 
nistry of  the  ciiurch  to  the  opinions  of  men,  from 
that,  which  treats  with  contempt  the  sentiments  of  a 
respectable  part  of  the  community.  Virtus  est  me- 
dium vifiorum.f  Though  I  will  not  be  deterred  by 
popular  opinion,  from  prosecuting  this  subject,  1 
feel  it  my  duty  to  treat  with  tenderness,  and  even 
respect,  the  prejudices  of  valuable  men.  There- 
fore do  I  preface  a  discussion  which  may  in  a  cer- 
tain sense  be  termed  political,  with  an  exhibition  of 
the  authority  under  which,  in  this  instance,  I  act. 
Far  be  it  from  me  to  assert  the  right  of  enslaving 
the  minds  of  my  hearers  into  passive  obedience  to 
sacerdotal  claims;  nor  shall  I  insult  an  audience, 
which  ought  to  be  endow^ed  with  christian  discern- 
ment, by  an  effort  at  brow-beating  the  most  humble 
of  my  fellow-men.  My  apology  is  found  in  the  words 
of  Amos  the  prophet. 

Some  explanation  is  necessary  to  comprehend  the 
object  of  my  text.  The  writer  was  a  native  of  Te- 
koa,  a  small  town  adjacent  to  the  wilderness  of  Ju- 
dah.  Here  he  passed  his  early  years,  in  attending 
his  flocks,  and  in  gathering,  in  its  season,  the  Egyp- 

^  Mark  xi.  28,  t  Cicero. 


PUBLIC    AFFAIRS.  11 

tian  fig",  commonly  called  sycamore-fruit.  In  this 
pastoral  life,  Amos,  pious  and  intelligent,  enjoyed 
that  happy  simplicity  which  is  unembarrassed  by  the 
fastidious  distinctions  of  more  polished  society.  He 
did  not  belong  to  the  regularly  authorized  insfruc- 
ters  of  the  church,  nor  was  he  educated  in  their  theo- 
logical schools,  neither  a  prophet  nor  a  prophet's  son  ; 
but,  before  he  entered  upon  his  public  work,  he  had 
more  than  an  equivalent  for  systematic  study,  and 
ordinary  induction  into  office :  he  was  divinely  called 
and  qualified  by  inspiration,  for  an  extraordinaiy 
mission  to  the  apostatizing  tribes  of  Israel.  He  was 
called  to  the  prophetic  office  when  the  kingdom  of 
the  ten  tribes  was  in  its  utmost  splendour  and  pow- 
er, under  the  second  Jeroboam,  upwards  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  years  after  its  erection  under  the 
first  king  of  the  same  name. 

The  throne  of  Israel  had  been  removed  to  Sama- 
ria ;  but  still  the  king  maintained  a  court  and  a  pa- 
lace, as  well  as  a  royal  chapel,  at  Bethel,  a  city  bor- 
dering upon  the  kingdom  of  Judah,  and  in  which 
the  first  Jeroboam  had  established  the  worship  of 
the  golden  calf  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the 
Israelites  from  returning  to  the  altar  at  .Jerusalem. 
That  very  successful  insurgent,  a  despiser  himself  of 
the  worship  of  the  true  God,  was  an  observer  of  human 
nature  and  of  human  prejudices,  and  well  understood 
the  importance  of  some  form  of  religion,  (whether 
true  or  false  was  to  him  immaterial,)  as  an  engine  of 
state  policy :  and  he  made  no  scruples  to  employ  it 


12  THE   RIGHT   OF    DISCUSSING 

as  such.  His  successors  upon  the  throne  appre- 
ciated his  policy  and  imitated  his  example.  Bethel, 
revered  by  all  the  tribes  as  the  scene  of  the  remark- 
able vision  of  their  father  Jacob,  was  still  continued 
as  a  principal  place  of  devotion,  and  decorated  with 
a  royal  court,  an  opulent  hierarchy,  and  a  splendid 
superstition. 

When  Amos  the  prophet  visited,  by  divine  direc- 
tion, this  city,  Amaziah  was  at  the  head  of  the  reli- 
gion established  by  law,  and  in  great  favour  with  the 
court  and  the  king.  Resenting  the  freedom  with 
which  the  minister  of  the  Lord  touched  upon  the  af- 
fairs of  state,  Amaziah  accused  Amos  of  treason 
against  Jeroboam,  and  ordered  him  out  of  the  king- 
dom. The  whole  case  is  represented  in  this  chapter 
from  the  8th  verse. 

Amos  had  denounced  both  the  religion  and  go- 
vernment of  Israel,  and  predicted  theu'  downfal, 
verse  9.  The  sanctuaries  of  Israel  shall  he  laid  waste^ 
and  I  will  rise  against  the  house  of  Jeroboam  with  the 
sword. 

The  chief  priest  of  the  prevalent  idolatry  was 
alarmed  at  this  uncourtly  interference  with  the  claims 
of  majesty,  and  became  himself  the  informer,  verse 
10.  Then  Amaziah,  the 'priest  of  Bethel,  sent  to  Jero- 
hoam  the  king  of  Israel,  saying,  Amos  hath  conspired 
against  thee  in  the  midst  of  the  house  of  Israel:  the 
land  is  not  able  to  bear  all  his  words. 


PUBLIC    AFFAIRS,  13 

Whether  authorized  by  the  king  or  not,  Amaziah 
proceeds  to  forbid  the  prophet  to  preach  any  more 
such  doctrine  at  Bethel :  for  it  is  the  king's  court  : 
verse  12.  Amos  disregarded  the  injunction,  and 
boldly  addressing  himself  to  Amaziah,  said,  verse  16, 
Now,  therefore,  hear  thou  the  word  of  the  Lord. 

Here,  then,  we  have  the  example  of  an  inspired 
man  for  introducing,  in  public,  topics  of  discussion 
which  have  a  political  bearing,  together  with  the  re- 
monstrance of  Amaziah  against  the  practice.  We 
venture  to  follow  the  prophet  of  the  Lord.  Nor  is 
this  a  solitary  example  of  the  kind.  Moses,  Samuel, 
Elijah,  Elisha,  Jeremiah,  Daniel,  Paul,  and  John : 
yea,  all  the  prophets  of  God,  hesitated  not  to  applj 
their  doctrine  to  political  persons  and  events,  when- 
soever a  proper  occasion  presented  itself. 


\    In  my  humble  opinion,  the  present  condition  of  our 
city   and  our  land   is  such  an  occasion.     It  forces 
iupon  our  attention  a  practical  question,  which  we 
jcannot  entirely  evade.     However  this  war  may  have 
originated,  it  is  a  fact  that  it  exists,  and  that  we  feel 
its  pressure.    This  city  is  threatened,  and  many  parts 
iof  our  country  are  already  invaded  by  a  powerful 
ifoe.     Our  husbandmen  are  called  off  from  the  culti- 
vation of  their  fields,  and  our  fellow-citizens  from 
their  several  occupations,  in  order  to  be  trained  to 
arms,  and  at  the  risk  of  their  lives  to  defend  their 
homes.     Our  sons,  our  brothers,  and  our  fathers,  our 
brethren  in  Christ,  who  have  sat  down  with  us  at  the 
table,  in  order  to  partake  with  us  in  the  solemnities 


14  THE  RI^HT   OF  BISCDSSINS 

of  our  holy  religion,  sleep  on  the  tented  field,  watch 
at  their  posts  by  night,  or  march  to  the  cannon's 
mouth,  acting  their  part  in  the  present  contest.  And 
does  not  this  state  of  things  present  to  christians  a 
practical  question?  Is  it  possible  that  it  should  not 
affect  the  conscience  of  every  disciple  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  ? 

*  Shall  we,  who  are  yet  permitted  to  meet  together 
in  the  temple,  accompany  our  brethren  who  march 
to  the  battle,  with  prayers  for  their  success,  and 
welcome  the  survivors  upon  their  return  home,  both 
to  our  affections,  and  to  the  place  which  they  occu- 
pied among  the  saints?  or  shall  we  now  withhold 
from  them,  while  they  brave  the  danger,  both  our 
sympathy  and  our  prayers  for  success;  and  after- 
wards refuse  to  acknowledge  them  as  regular  mem- 
bers of  the  church  of  God,  or  expel  them  from  her 
communion  as  men  who  have  unworthily  hired  them- 
selves to  shed  innocent  blood  in  an  unjust  v»ar?  If 
this  war  be  absolutely  unrighteous,  then  is  it  not  only 
criminal  to  support  it ;  but  also  those  who  do  sup- 
port it,  are  guilty  of  blood,  and  censurable  as  such 
Ibefore  the  church. 

I  might  justify  myself,  of  course,  for  considering 
this  subject,  under  existing  circumstances,  upon  the 
ground  of  ecclesiastical  order ;  but,  I  choose  rather 
to  rest  my  right  of  introducing  it  into  the  pulpit 
upon  a  broader  basis.  AVith  this  vicAv,  I  submit  the 
following  propasition. 


PUBLIC   AFFAIRS.  15 

Ministers  have  the  right  of  discussing  from  the  jnd- 
pit  those  political  questions  which  affect  christian  mo- 
rals. 

I  prove  this  right — and  remove  objection?. 


I.  Prove  that  ne  have  such  right. 


The  object  to  be  accomplished  by  our  ministry — 
The  scriptural  history — The  system  of  sacred  pre- 
diction— And  the  precepts  which  we  are  commis- 
sioned to  expound,  are  the  sources  of  argument  to 
which  I  refer  you  in  support  of  this  claim  of 
right. 

1 .  The  object  of  our  ministry  is,  nowhere,  more 
summarily  expressed  than  in  the  words  of  our  Sa- 
viour, in  granting,  immediately  before  his  ascension 
into  heaven,  the  apostolical  commission,  Matth.  28. 
19.  Goye^  theref ore y  and  teach  all  nations.  The  wnrd, 
in  the  original,  which  we  render  teach,^  signifies 
more  than  the  ditfusion  of  knowledge.  It  conveys 
the  idea  of  forming  disciples ;  and  of  course  includes 
all  tha-  instruction  in  righteousness,  which  belongs  to 
christians. 

It  is  impossible  without  perversion  of  language  to 
exclude  from  such  instruction  everv  thinsr  which  has 
a  political  bearing.  Viinisters  are  authorized  to  go 
throughout  the   world,  and  thus  instruct  all  nation* 


^ 


16  THE   RIGHT   OF    DISCUSSING 


upon  the  face  of  the  earth ;  and  the  object  of  their 
ministry  cannot  be  said  to  be  completely  accom- 
plished until  nations,  as  such,  shall  have  submitted  to 
the  rule  of  rigliteousness.  Individuals,  indeed,  may 
be  converted,  and  edified,  and  glorified;  churches 
may  be  organized,  and  enlarged,  and  comforted ;  and 
even  bodies  politic  may  experience  some  advan- 
tage from  the  christian  religion ;  in  all  these  instan- 
ces the  honour  of  the  Deity  is  promoted  on  earth ; 
but  the  object  of  the  ministry  of  the  word  of  God  is 
not  fully  answered,  unless  the  earth  he  filled  with  the 
knowledge  of  the  glory  of  the  Lord,  and  all  nations 
made  to  feel  the  influence  of  Christianity.  If  reli- 
jrion  is  of  any  use  in  this  world,  or  in  the  world  to 
come,  it  is  useful  for  man,  in  every  relation  of  life  : 
and  certainly,  no  christian,  who  seriously  considers 
the  value  of  religion,  to  know,  and  love,  and  serve 
God,  by  obeying  in  every  situation  his  command- 
ments, can  continue  to  doubt  the  propriety  of  acting 
religiously  in  the  important  concerns  of  civil  life. 
From  the  obligations  of  the  word  of  God,  no  man  is 
exempt.  Directions  are  addressed  to  the  military  as 
well  as  to  the  clergy.'*  It  is  unreasonable  then,  to 
deprive  the  ministers  of  religion  of  the  right  of 
speaking  upon  any  subject  whatever,  that  has  respect 
to  sin  and  duty,  or  that  affects  the  moral  conduct  of 
men  and  of  nations.  How  shall  we  ever  realize 
the  hope  inspired  by  these  assertions,  righteousness 
exalteth  a  nation — The  kingdoms  of  this  world  arc 
become  the  kingdoms  of  our  Lordy    if  christian  di- 

'''  Luke  iii.  1 4. 


PUBLIC    AFFAIRS.  17 

vines  have  ,no  right  to  apply  the  principleg  of  re- 
vealed religion  to  the  concerns  of  civil  life  ? 

2.  The  scriptural  history  cannot  be  explained 
or  applied  without  touching  on  political  topics. 
The  sacred  writers  treated  of  the  public  concerns 
of  their  own,  and  of  preceding  ages,  and  have  set 
us  the  example.  Deny  us  the  right  of  expressing 
political  sentiments,  and  of  remarking  upon  national 
conduct  and  events,  and  a  great  part  of  the  sacred 
volume  will  necessarily  remain  unexplained  be- 
fore our  eyes,  and  comparatively  useless.  Every 
man,  who  believes  in  the  providence  of  God,  will 
admit  that  all  true  history  is  worthy  of  attention  as 
a  developement  of  the  divine  government  over  hu- 
man affairs;  as  an  exposition  of  the  principles  of  hu- 
man action;  and  as  a  record  of  facts  and  events  use- 
ful for  the  direction  of  our  conduct  in  every  situa- 
tion of  life  1  and  shall  we  not  be  permitted  to  avail 
ourselves  of  such  aid  in  the  instruction  of  the  seve- 
ral ranks  of  our  hearers?  We  are  assured,  by  the  in- 
spired writers,  that  national  concerns  are  made  sub- 
ordinate to  the  interests  of  true  religion :  and  it  is 
obvious  to  all,  that  there  is  an  intimate  connexion 
between  political  events,  and  the  interests  of  the 
christian  church.  Where,  then,  is  the  propriety  of 
sealing  up  our  lips,  that  we  may  not  speak  of  the  di- 
vine providence,  or  point  out  the  agency  of  our 
Saviour  in  overruling,  for  the  good  of  Zion,  the 
changes  which  take  place  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth  ? 


IH  THE   KFGHT    OF    DlbClJSSIAG 

3.    The  prophecies  of  scripture  can  never  be  ex 
plained  without  political  discussion. 

The  prospective  history  contained  in  the  bible,  as 
well  as  the  narration  of  past  events,  interweaves  the 
story  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  empire,  with  that  of  the 
chinch  of  God ;  and  the  Avhole  is  employed  for  the 
purpose  of  instructing  the  saints,  and  of  supporting 
their  hopes  and  benevolent  exertions.  The  educa- 
tion of  believers,  of  which  the  bible  is  unquestion- 
ably the  perfect  standard,  cannot  correspond  with 
their  diversified  conditions,  temptations,  and  duties, 
if  all  their  civil  relations  be  excluded  from  consi- 
deration, and  their  pastors  utterly  prohibited  from 
expounding  those  portions  of  scripture  which  exhibit 
mankind  in  their  collective  capacity  and  character. 
Individual  man  is  certainly  a  very  interesting  object 
of  attention  and  study.  The  christian,  from  the  first 
moments  of  his  spiritual  life ;  throughout  the  whole 
progress  of  this  his  new  and  better  nature  to  the  per- 
fection of  the  man  of  God ;  in  the  trying  hour  of 
his  separation  from  the  world ;  and  in  his  future 
state  of  endless  enjoyment;  furnishes  the  public 
teachers  and  private  members  of  the  church,  with 
abundant  matter  of  useful  discourse  and  reflection- 
but,  the  social  concerns  of  the  rational  creature,  as 
they  occupy  a  great  portion  of  our  time;  give  ex- 
ercise to  all  our  powers ;  and  affect  all  our  duties 
and  enjoyments;  must  not  be  forgotten  in  the  ap- 
plication of  the  word  of  truth,  to  the  moral  part 
of  the  tenants  of  this  world,  who  are  preparing 
for  the  high  society  which  we  hope  to  enter  when 


PDBLir    AFFAIRS.  19 

our  pilgrimage  is  finished.  No  man  can  be  permit- 
ted to  explain  the  prophecies  which  are  already  ac- 
complished, unless  he  be  allowed  to  apply  the  fact 
to  the  prediction :  and  for  the  same  reason,  those, 
which  are  now  fulfilling,  or  hereafter  to  be  fulfilled, 
cannot  be  pointed  out  to  the  friends  of  religion,  un- 
less we  have  a  right  to  bring  into  view  in  our  public 
ministrations  great  political  evenls  and  characters. 
Let  the  experiment  be  made  upon  the  books  written 
by  Daniel  and  John,  and  the  truth  of  my  assertion 
will  be  universally  confessed. 

4.  A  more  copious  and  conclusive  argument  in 
support  of  our  right,  to  preach  what  may,  in  a  cer- 
tain sense,  be  denominated  politics,  is  derived  from 
the  precepts  of  inspiration  which  we  are  required  to 
proclaim  to  the  world.  The  jpriesfs  lips  should  keep 
knowledge,  and  they  should  seek  the  law  at  his 
mouthy  for  he  is  the  messenger  of  the  Lord  of 
hosts.*^ 

It  will  not,  I  hope,  be  denied,  that  christian  minis- 
ters have  aright  to  make  the  commandments  of  their 
God  a  subject  of  discussion.  The  law  is  holt/,  and 
the  commandment  holy,  and  just,  and  good.f  There  is, 
I  admit,  some  danger  of  abusing  this  and  every  other 
right  which  we  possess;  and  for  such  abuse  we  de- 
serve correction.  In  proportion,  too,  to  the  danger 
of  misrepresenting  the  word  of  truth,  should  be  our 

^Mal.  ii.  7.  +Rom.  rii.  12. 


20  THE    KIGHT   OF    lilSCDfShXG 

cau4ion  in  <he  selection  and  discussion  of  subjects 
before  the  public.  This  caution  is  peculiarly  neces- 
sary for  those  ministers  Avho  venture  upon  political 
remarks.  Our  own  partialities  are  apt  to  betiay  us 
into  error.  The  acuteness  of  an  independent  people, 
alive  to  their  political  interests,  is  waiting  to  detect 
our  aberrations.  A  feverish  sensibility,  inseparable 
from  the  deep  intrigues  of  selfish  policy,  renders  a 
few  incapable  of  hearing  without  misapprehension, 
and  of  speaking  without  misrepresentation.  Some 
have  swerved  from  a  good  conscience,  and  have  turned 
aside  unto  vain  jangling  ;  desiring  to  be  teachers  of  the 
law  ;  understanding  neither  what  they  say  nor  jvhereof 
ihey  offirm.  But  we  know  that  the  law  is  good  if  a  man 
use  it  lawfully.*  And  it  is  impossible  to  make  any 
vise  of  some  parts  of  the  divine  law,  without  enter- 
ing upon  discussions  that  may  be  termed  political. 
If  I  can  show  to  you,  my  christian  brethren,  from 
this  volume,  by  which  alone  you  are  bound  to  try 
my  ministry  among  you,  that  the  law  of  God  gives 
directions  about  the  several  great  concerns  of  civil 
polity,  you  Avill  not  again  call  in  question  my  right, 
to  declare,  from  this  place,  the  duty  required  of  us  in 
relation  to  civil  life.  Bear  with  me,  for  a  little,  and 
I  shall  quote  for  your  inspection  passages,  which 
prescribe  The  mode  of  constituting  civil  rulers — The 
character  if  such  as  administer  the  government — 
The  duty  of  the  constituted  authorities — The  conduct 
proper  upon  the  imrt  of   sidtjects — passages   which 

*^  1  TiiJi.  i.  5—8. 


PUBLIC    AFFAIRi.  2^ 

Reprove  them  who  confer  power  improperly — and 
Threaten  magistrates  who  are  unmindful  of  their 
high  obligations. 

All  these  are  political  doctrines,  which  the  Gover- 
nor of  the  universe  commands  us  to  teach  to  the 
nations  of  the  earth. 

1.  The  mode  of  constituting  rulers,  is  by  electing, 
to  the  several  departments  of  state,  suitable  charac- 
ters from  among  the  people  over  whom  they  are  to 
exercise  authority.  Exod.  xviii.  21.  Thou  shall  pro- 
vide out  of  all  the  people  able  men,  such  as  fear 
God,  men  of  truth,  hating  covetousness,  and  place  such 
over  them  to  be  rulers.  The  chief  concern  of  a  nation 
in  forming  its  arrangements,  ought  to  be  the  wise 
and  equitable  distribution  of  power  into  proper 
hands.  The  divine  rule  for  doing  this,  now  quoted, 
has  never  been  surpassed.  It  is  adapted  to  every  na- 
tion; and  its  excellence  obvious  to  every  man  of 
understanding.  The  prerequisites,  in  a  candidate 
for  power,  are  plainly  stated.  They  are  four,  capa- 
city, piety,  integrity,  and  disinterestedness.  They 
appear,  too,  in  the  order  of  their  relative  impor- 
tance. First,  capacity — able  men.  The  ignorant, 
the  feeble,  the  foolish,  and  the  insane,  are  discarded, 
as  obviously  unfit  to  bear  office  among  rational  be- 
ings. Second,  piety — such  as  fear  God.  The  scep- 
tic, the  vicious,  and  the  profane,  are  rejected  from 
authority  over  the  accountable  subjects  of  the  di- 
vine moral  government.     Third,  integrity — men  of 


22  THE    UIGHT    OF    DISCUSSIAO 

truth.  The  ambitious,  the  dissembler,  and  the  hy- 
pocrite, being  unprincipled,  are  dangerous  and  un- 
worthy of  trust.  Fourth,  disinterestedness — hating 
covetousness.  The  selfish,  and  the  mercenary  man, 
would  sacrifice  the  public  good  at  the  shrine  of  an 
individual  servant. 

The  general  maxim  of  polity,  from  which  all  these 
directions  flow,  is,  that  no  provisions  of  a  constitution 
of  government,  however  wisely  adopted,  can  pre- 
serve  the  liberties  and  promote  the  good  of  society, 
unless  they  be  administered  by  suitable  officers. 
Measures,  the  object;  and,  for  their  sakes,  jjroper 
men.  In  this  view,  I  consider  as  correct,  the  decla- 
ration of  a  great  parliamentary  orator,  "  How  vain 
then,  how  idle,  how  presumptuous  is  the  opinion, 
that  laws  can  do  every  thing  ?  and  how  weak  and 
pernicious  the  maxim  founded  upon  it,  that  mea- 
sures, not  men,  are  to  be  attended  to  V^'^ 

2.  The  character,  to  be  supported  by  those  who 
are  in  power  in  any  commonwealth,  is  expressly  pre- 
scribed, 2  Sam.  xxiii.  3.  The  God  of  Israel  said — 
He  that  ruleth  over  men  must  hejust^  ruling  in  the  fear 
of  God. 

If  government  be  instituted  for  the  good  of  the 
community,  and  not  for  the  pleasure  of  an  in- 
dividual, as  the  divine  law  declares,  and  common 
sense  admits,  provision  ought  to  be  made  for  the 

*  Fox's  Hist.  Phil.  1808,  page  14. 


PUBLIC    AFFAIRS.  2J 

speedy  removal  of  a  public  servant  who  is  unwor- 
thy of  the  trust  reposed  in  him.     The  law  must  of 
course  be  applied  to  his  character  during  the  whole 
period  of  his  continuance  in  office.     If  ,he  cannot 
bear  the  test,  a  more  worthy  personage  ought  to  be 
selected  in  order  to  occupy  in  his  room.     In  vain 
would  the  divine  law  appoint  a  criterion,  unless  it 
were  proper  to  dispossess  the  occupant  who  could 
not  endure  its  application.     The  constitution  of  go- 
vernment, whi^h  requires  base  men,  or  those  other- 
wise disqualified  for  the  duties  of  a  high  station,  to 
continue  in  power  for  life,  is  on  that  very  account 
inconsistent  with  the  bible.     The  ciiterion  specified 
in  the  passage  before  you,  is  both  obvious  and  of 
easy  application.    It  is  iwoiold— justness  to  men,  and 
reverence  for  their  Creator.     He  that  ruleth  overmen— 
moral  agents  united  by  social  ties,  during  the  time 
he  continues  in  power,  must,  of  necessity,  exhibit 
these  qualifications.     If  he  be  unjust  to  men,  these 
men  ought,  for  their  own  sakes,  to  dispossess  him : 
and  if  he  have  no  respect  for  the  Creator,  men,  ac- 
countable to  him  who  is  worthy  of  esteem  and  fear, 
ought,  in  testimony  of  their  allegiance  to  the  ahnigh- 
ty  Governor  of  nations,  to  remove  from  influence  and 
honour  the  despiser  of  his  name  and  law\ 

.  3.  It  is  required  of  tlie  constituted  authorities  of  a 
nation,  that  they  officially  recognize  the  christian 
religion,  and  cherish  the  interests  of  the  church  of 
Jesus  Christ.  Psalm  ii.  10,12.  Be  wise,  now,  there- 
fore y   O  ye  Jcini^s;   be  insfVHcfed,    ve    /udfce/^  of  the 


24  THE  RIGHT  OF  DISCUSSlMi 

earth.     Serve  the  Lord  ivUh  fear — Kiss  the  Son  lest 
he  be  angry. 

As  it  is  the  will  of  God,  declared  in  the  constitu- 
tion of  human  nature,  and  in  the  circumstances  of 
human  life,  as  well  as  in  the  scriptures,  that  men 
should  associate  under  suitable  regulations,  he  pre- 
scribes for  those,  who  frame  and  execute  laws  in  a 
commonwealth  so  formed,  theii'  duty  in  relation  to 
himself  their  sovereign  Lord,  almighty  Protector,  and 
omniscient  Judge.  It  is  their  wisdom  to  comply — to 
hear,  understand,  and  obey  his  divine  injunctions, 
revealed  in  the  christian  religion. 

4.  The  course  of  conduct,  becoming  the  subjects 
of  such  equitable  and  righteous  rulers,  is  also  pointed 
out,  and  the  reason  upon  which  it  is  founded,  is  con- 
nected with  the  precept.  Rom.  xiii.  1,  5,  6.  Lei 
every  soul  be  subject  unto  the  higher  poivers  ;  for  there 
is  no  power  but  of  God:  the  powers  that  be  are  or- 
dained of  God.  Wherefore  ye  must  needs  be  subjecty 
not  only  for  tvrath,  but  for  conscience  sake.  For  this 
cause,  pay  ye  tribute  also :  for  they  arc  God's  minis- 
ters attending  continually  on  this  very  thing. 

The  duly  specified  is  conscientious  submission : 
that  submission  to  be  expressed  by  obedience  to  the 
law,  and  the  punctual  payment  of  such  sums,  as  are 
required  for  the  maintenance  of  public  credit,  and 
the  support  of  the  government.  The  reasons  annex- 
ed are  sufficiently  forcible.     The  rulers  of  the  na- 


rUBLIG   AFFAIRS.  25 

tion,  are  its  public  servants,  and  of  course  to  be  sup- 
ported by  those  who  appoint  them :  being  appointed, 
iliey  are  the  servants  of  God  for  the  maintenance  of 
moral  order;  and  reverence  for  liim  will  produce 
respect  for  them.  "  They  are  ordained  of  God.  They 
are  God's  ministers,  attending  continually  on  this 
very  thing." 

The  controversy,  about  the  divine  right  of  both 
the  MiTKE  and  the  crown,  is  passing  rapidly  into  ob- 
livion. The  theory  of  civil  polity,  is  from  the  scrip- 
tures, very  easily  understood.  The  formation  of 
constitutions,  and  the  election  of  officers,  are  the 
work  of  the  community ;  and  thus,  government  is  the 
ordinance  of  man.  Jehovah,  the  God  of  order  and 
equity,  approves  of  the  civil  association  formed  upon 
moral  principles,  and  sanctions  with  his  own  high 
authority  the  proper  exercise  of  legitimate  power. 
Thus,  government  is  the  ordinance  of  God.  1  Pet.  ii. 
13 — 15.  Submit  yourselves  to  every  ordinance  of  maUy 
whether  it  be  to  the  king  or  unto  governors^  for  so  is 
the  will  of  God.  Rom.  xiii.  2.  Whosoever,  thereforCy 
resisteth  the  power,  resistelh  the  ordinance  of  God. 

5.  The  Sovereign  of  the  universe  threatens  with 
his  divine  displeasure,  those  who  contrive  and  main- 
tain governments,  otherwise  than  upon  true  moral 
principles.  Hos.  viii.  3,  4,  13.  Israel  hath  cast  off' 
the  thing  that  is  good:  the  enemy  shall  pursue  him. 
They  have  set  up  kings,  but  not  by  me  ;  they  have  made 
princes,  and  I  knew  it  not.  Now  will  he  remember  their 
iniquities,  and  visit  their  sins. 

4 


2G  THE    RIGHT   OF    DISCUSSING 

In  this  chapter,  the  sin  of  creating  and  maintaining; 
an  immoral  system  of  civil  polity  is  connected  with 
thai  of  an  abuse  of  religion.  It  was  the  crime  of  Is- 
rael, as  well  as  of  other  nations,  both  ancient  and 
modern,  to  couple  together  an  abuse  of  religion  and 
government  into  one  complex  system  of  impiety 
and  misiule.  This  has  always  been  efiected  by  the 
evil  management  of  designing  men,  who  availed  them- 
selves of  the  ignorance,  the  apathy,  and  the  vices  of 
the  people  at  large,  in  order  to  promote  their  own 
schemes  of  ambition.  But  these  are  not  alone  in  the 
blame.  The  Lord  in  his  word  declares  the  whole 
community  guilty,  and  threatens  them  with  deserved 
punishment.  His  providence  is  a  continual  com- 
mentary upon  the  declaration,  and  a  constant  execu- 
tion of  the  threatening.  The  body  of  a  nation  suf- 
fers under  bad  government.  The  fact  cannot  be  dis- 
puted. The  justness  of  this  measure  is  easily  shown. 
The  population  of  a  country  have  the  power.  They 
can,  if  they  will,  pull  down,  build  up,  alter,  and 
amend  the  system  of  social  order.  When  they  sub- 
mit to  thrones  of  iniquity  ivkich  frame  mischief  by 
law,  their  condition  is  not  merely  a  state  of  suffering 
which  we  may  pity,  but  also  a  fault  which  we  are  to 
blame.  If  through  neglect  or  discord,  they  do  not 
co-operate  in  reform,  suffer  they  justly  must.  Shall 
not  the  Judge  of  all  the  earth  do  right  ? 

G.  Civil  rulers  who  neglect  their  duty,  and  abuse 
their  power,  are  also  threatened  with  divine  judg- 
ment^. Psalm  xciv.  20,  23.  Shall  the  throne  of  ini- 
quity have  fellowship  nyith  theCy  which  frameth  mischief 


PUBLIC    AFFAIRS.  27 

by  a  lam  ?  He  shall  bring  upon  them  their  own  iniqui- 
tj/,  and  shall  cut  them  off  in  their  own  wickedness  j  yea, 
the  Liord  our  God  shall  cut  them  off. 

Iniquity  is  displeasing  to  the  Lord,  because  it  is 
contrary  to  his  nature.  The  splendour  of  human  great- 
ness, and  the  pomp  of  human  power,  although  they 
dazzle  our  eyes  and  impose  upon  our  credulity,  will 
not  prevent  him  from  judging  righteously  ;  and  the 
greatness  of  the  mischief,  consequent  upon  the  trans- 
gressions of  men  in  power,  instead  of  screening 
them  from  detection,  will  increase  their  condemna- 
tion. Elevated  as  the  higher  ranks  of  life  are  above 
the  censures  of  the  community,  and  unrestrained  as 
is  their  consequent  indulgence  in  crime,  they  can- 
not escape  with  impunity  from  him  who  refuses  fel- 
lowship with  them  in  their  illegitimate  authority. 
"  Hath  he  said,  and  shall  he  not  do  it  ?  or  hath  he 
spoken,  and  shall  he  not  make  it  good  ?"* 

In  these  judgments,  which  are  inflicted  upon  those 
who  neglect  to  rule  according  to  the  principles  of 
the  moral  law,  however  heavy  they  fall,  christians, 
so  far  as  they  are  influenced  by  scriptural  advice 
and  example,  will  readily  acquiesce.  O  Lord,  thou 
hast  ordained  them  for  judgment ;  and,  O  mighty 
God,  thou  hast  established  them  for  correction.  Thou 
art  of  purer  eyes  than  to  behold  evil,  and  canst  not  looli 
on  iniquity.^ 

*NMmb.  xxiii.  19.  fHab.  i.  12,  U. 


26  THE    RIGHT   OF    DISCUSSING 

From  this  collation,  of  passages  selected  from  the 
standard  of  our  fiiith  and  practice,  and  embracing  the 
whole  theory  of  civil  polity,  you  will  readily  per- 
ceive the  force  of  my  argument  in  support  of  the 
right  which  I  now  claim.  If  the  divine  law  be  the 
rule  of  our  christian  ministry,  and  the  scriptures  be 
the  bond  of  connexion  between  pastor  and  people, 
then  have  I  shown  the  authority,  under  which  I  act 
in  introducing  this  discussion,  to  be  perfectly  com- 
petent. 

I  claim  the  privilege  of  explaining  the  law  of  mr 
God.  1  claim  it,  too,  not  merely  as  a  privilege,  which 
I  am  at  liberty  to  use.  It  is  not  even  optional  to  the 
ministers  of  religion  whether  to  use  it  or  not :  they 
are  bound  by  their  public  instructions,  as  ambassa- 
dors for  Christ,  to  raise  a  voice  which  shall  reach  ta 
both  the  cottage  and  the  tlnone,  and  teach  their  se- 
veral occupants  their  respective  duties.  "  Go,"  said 
our  arisen  Lord  to  his  ministers,  when  handing  to 
them  their  commission,  "  disciple  all  nations,  teaching 
ihem  to  observe  all  things  whatsoever  I  have  command- 
ed you^  We  must,  my  brethren,  in  order  to  be 
faithful  to  our  exalted  employer,  have  it  in  our  pow- 
er to  say  upon  a  review  of  our  ministry,  after  an  ex- 
ample of  approved  excellence,  "  I  have  not  shunned 
lo  declare  unto  you  the  whole  counsel  of  God.'^^ 

\  r.    Remove  Objections. 

•Acts   XX.  27. 


PUBLIC   AFFAIRS.  29 

There  are  many,  who  admit  that  the  public  teach- 
ers of  the  Christian  churches  have  a  right,  both  as 
citizens  of  the  commonwealth,  and  as  interpreters 
of  the  oracles  of  God,  to  express  their  sentiments  on 
political  subjects,  who,  nevertheless,  deem  it  inexpe- 
dient to  exercise  the  right.  Prudence,  lest  by  giv- 
ing offence,  they  frustrate  the  more  important  ob- 
jects of  their  ministry ;  personal  timidity,  lest  they 
provoke  disrespect  and  opposition ;  christian  tender- 
ness, lest  they  should  wound  the  feelings  of  a  pious 
hearer;  and  in  some,  perliaps,  a  sense  of  their  own 
incompetency,  or  an  ignoble  pusillanimity,  prevent 
the  ministers  of  religion  generally  from  introducing 
political  remarks  in  their  discourses.  In  abstaining 
from  the  exercise  of  tliis  right,  let  christian  pastors 
use  their  own  discretion :  I  am  willing  to  admit,  that 
we  ought  rarely  touch  on  such  points ;  but  an  abso- 
lute prohibition  cannot  be  supported  by  any  solid 
reasonings.  The  following  summary  comprehends  all 
the  arguments,  with  which  I  am  acquainted,  against 
the  right  of  introducing  politics  to  the  pulpit. 

Christ  crucified  is  the  proper  theme  of  ministerial 
discussion — The  kingdom  of  the  Redeemer  is  not  of 
this  world — Ministers  have  the  care  of  souls,  and  not 
of  the  bodily  estate — Gospel  hearers  are  divided  in 
political  opinions — Political  remarks  are  unfiivour- 
able  to  devotion — Preachers  are  dictatorial,  and 
usually  opposed  to  civil  liberty. 

I  proceed,  to  the  examination  of  these  objections, 
with  a  confidence  that,  without  injury  to  ihc  feelings 


80  THE   RIGHT   OF    UlSCUSSliNG 

of  any  candid  mind,  1  shall  be  able  to  prove  them 
invalid. 

1.  Objection.  "  Christ  and  him  crucified  is  the 
proper  theme  of  pulpit  discussion  ;  and,  therefore,  it 
is  improper  to  introduce  political  concerns." 

In  examining  this  objection,  I  joyfully,  as  well  as 
readily,  admit  the  precious  truth  contained  in  the  as- 
sertion upon  which  the  argument  is  supposed  to  rest. 
With  my  hand  upon  my  heart,  I  repeat,  in  your 
ears,  the  words  of  the  great  evangelize r  of  the  Gen- 
tiles, "  For  /  determined  not  to  know  any  thing 
among  i/ou,  save  Jesus  Christ  and  him  crucified."* 
And  from  that  determination,  if  I  ever  recede,  let 
my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth.f 

This  declaration,  however,  neither  supports  the 
objection,  nor  excludes  from  the  pulpit  the  duties  of 
civil  life.  We  are  not  to  confine  our  ministry  to  the 
mere  words  "  Christ  crucified."  The  doctrines  of  the 
cross  must  be  inculcated.  We  are  not  to  confine  our 
discussion  to  the  fact  of  Christ's  death ;  but  must 
preach  of  his  person,  his  covenant,  his  mission,  hi? 
work,  his  power,  his  providence,  and  his  law ;  and 
that  law,  in  its  application  to  man  in  his  social  ag 
well  as  individual  capacity. 

The  apostle  Paul  himself,  who  first  employed  the 
words  referred  to,  understood  them  in  this  latitude. 

*  1  Cor.  ii.  2.  t  Psalm  cxxxvii.  6. 


PUBLIC  AFFAIRS.  31 

He  inculcated  the  doctrines  of  grace.  He  proclaim- 
ed the  duties  of  domestic  and  of  civil  life.  He 
spake  of  rulers,  and  of  their  laws,  and  of  their  sub- 
jects. He  shunned  not  to  declare  the  whole  counsel  of 
God. 

The  prophets,  who  preceded  Paul,  in  diffusing  the 
light  of  revealed  truth,  had  acted  in  the  same  man- 
ner; and  the  Lord  himself,  when  he  appeared  on 
earth,  spake  of  other  subjects,  as  well  as  of  the  de- 
cease which  he  was  to  accomplish  in  Jerusalem.  Fol- 
lowing their  example  we,  too,  would  give  this  exten- 
sion to  our  ministry,  "  built  upon  the  foundation  of 
the  apostles  and  prophets,  Jesus  Christ  himself  being 
the  chief  corner-stone." 

That  very  reason,  which  the  objector  urges  against 
the  introduction  into  the  pulpit  of  political  remarks, 
we  esteem  as  an  argument  in  its  favour.  The  ob- 
jection proceeds  upon  the  principle,  that  the  gospel 
doctrine,  the  christian  religion,  is  to  be  perpetually 
separated  from  the  polity  of  nations ;  we  go  upon  the 
directly  opposite  principle,  that  civil  rule  should  be 
regulated  by  the  maxims  of  christian  law.  Seeing, 
therefore,  that  we  determined  to  know  notliing  among 
you,  save  Jesus  Christ  and  him  crucified  ;  we  intro- 
duce into  this  place  our  political  sentiments,  and  in- 
vite you  to  correct,  by  the  revelation  of  truth,  all 
your  political  maxims  and  actions.  Let  us  recom- 
mend in  the  same  breath,  religious  and  civil  duty. 
Ijov€  the  brotherhood — Fear  God — Honour  the  King.^ 

■■■  ^  Pet.  ii.  1 7. 


32  THE  RIGHT  OF  DISCUSSING 

2.  Objection.  "  The  kingdom  of  the  lledeemcr 
is  not  of  this  world;  and  therefore  the  ministers  of 
the  Redeemer  should  not  interfere  with  the  king- 
doms of  this  world." 

Far  be  it  from  me  to  deny  the  truth  of  the  maxim 
with  which  this  objection  commences.  It  is  a  part  of 
that  good  confession,  which  the  faithful  and  true  wit- 
ness made  before  the  Roman  deputy,  who  exercised 
over  subjugated  Palestine,  the  iron  sway  of  the  Cae- 
sars. Pontius  Pilate,  agitated  by  a  consciousness  of 
the  innocence  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  of  his  own  guilt, 
and  labouring  to  devise  means  for  delivering  the 
Tictim  of  Jewish  malevolence  without  risking  his  own 
popularity,  proposed  from  the  judgment-seat,  which 
he  so  unworthily  filled,  the  question.  Art  thou  the 
Jcing  of  the  Jews  ?  Jesus  answcredy  My  kingdom  is  not 
of  this  world.'*  lie  admitted  that  he  was  a  king. 
He  bore  witness  unto  the  truth ;  and  the  truth  is, 
that  he  is  King  of  kings — higher  than  the  kings  of  the 
earth.f  How  then  are  we  to  understand  the  assertion, 
"  My  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world?"  In  its  most 
obvious  meaning.  His  power  is  from  a  higher  source. 
It  is  of  God.  It  is  not  from  the  election  of  the  peo- 
ple, nor  the  appointment  of  the  Emperor.  It  is  Je- 
hovah, who  said  to  him.  Sit  thou  at  my  light  hand — 
Ilule  thou  in  the  midst  of  thine  enemies.  Ask  of  me, 
and  I  shall  give  thee  the  heathen  for  thine  inherilancet 
and  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth  for  thy  possession.X 
If,  therefore,  his  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world,  it  is 

*  John  xviii.  33,  36.    f  Psalm  Ixxxix.  27.    \  Psalm  ii.  8. 


PUBLIC    AFFxMRS.  '33 

^'  God ;  it  is  over  the  world  :  The  Lord  hath  prcpar-- 
td  his  throne  in  the  heavens,  and  his  kingdom  rideth 
over  all.^ 

So  far,  then,  from  furnishing  an  objection  against 
the  claim  of  right  which  we  make,  is  this  principle, 
that  it  in  fact  establishes  it  beyond  all  dispute.  The 
kingdom  of  Christ  is  of  God,  over  the  nations,  there- 
fore we  apply  the  laws  of  that  kingdom  to  the  na- 
tional polity.  We  shall  never  recognize  as  valid  the 
claim  of  Satan,  though  termed  the  god  of  this  world, 
to  the  sovereignty  over  the  nations ;  but  shall  endea- 
vouY  to  rescue  them  from  the  dominion  of  the  usurp- 
er, and  restore  them  in  allegiance  to  their  lawful 
governor,  "  the  prince  of  the  kings  of  the  earth."  The 
Saviour  himself,  when  the  adversary  tempted  him, 
by  a  requisition  of  homage,  and  an  offer  of  power 
over  the  world,  refused  both  the  demand  and  the 
gift,  because  worship  is  due  only  unto  God ;  and 
from  God  himself,  the  Redeemer  had  already  obtain- 
ed all  power  over  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth.  The 
church  of  Christ  is  in  this  world.  Christians  are  con- 
cerned in  the  kingdoms  of  this  world,  as  rulers  and 
ruled.  The  kingdom  of  Christ  is  not  of  but  over 
this  world.  The  ministers  of  Christ  have  therefore  a 
right  to  treat  of  all  the  moral  concerns  of  human  so- 
ciety. 

3.  Objection.  "  As  ministers  have  the  care  of 
iiouls,  and  not  of  the   bodily   estate  of  men,  they 

*  Psalm  ciii.  19. 
5 


34  THE    BIGHT   OF    DI.SCUSSI.NG 

slioiild  not  be  permitted  to  treat  of  any  except  spi- 
ritual subjects." 

The  great  concern  of  every  pastor  who  is  faithful 
to  the  people  whom  he  serves,  is  to  feed  the  flock  of 
God  with  knowledge  and  understanding.  It  is  mind 
that  makes  the  man ;  and  the  interest  of  one  soul  is 
more  to  be  sought  after,  because,  in  reality,  more 
Taluable,  than  the  whole  world.  I  know  that  the 
oracles  of  God  inform  you,  w^ho  hear  the  gospel, 
that  the  rulers  of  Israel  watch  for  your  souls,  as  they 
that  must  give  accoufit.^  Wo  to  the  unfaithful  pastor 
who  forgets  the  souls  of  men,  or  refuses  to  minister 
to  their  edification. 

The  improvement  of  mind,  however,  does  not  re- 
quire the  neglect  of  the  body.  These  constituents 
of  living  man,  are  intimately  connected  by  a  divine 
hand.  Both  were  assumed  by  the  Saviour,  and  re- 
deemed by  his  blood.  In  both,  we  glorify  God  on 
earth,  and  shall  enjoy  him  in  heaven.  The  material 
world  is  created  for  the  sake  of  the  moral ;  and  it 
is  upheld  by  Messiah  for  the  sake  of  revealing  his 
perfections,  in  the  salvation  of  men.  Matter  itself, 
therefore,  may  be  referred  to  in  our  ministry;  and 
useful  remarks,  upon  its  nature  and  its  laws,  may, 
without  incurring  the  blame  of  injuring  the  cause  of 
spirituality,  be  interwoven  with  pulpit  exhibitions. 
Politics  respect  not  the  bodily  estate  only,  or  even 
principally.    They  affect  mind,  morals,  piety,  com- 

^Heb.  xiii.  17. 


PUBLIC    AFFAIRS,  35 

fort,  and  duty.  So  far  as  they  do  so,  they  may  come 
under  review.  It  is  not  to  settle  the  claims  for  empire, 
to  define  geographical  boundaries,  or  to  adjust  the 
contendings  of  human  ambition;  but  in  order  to 
aid  the  christian  in  maintaining  a  conscience  void  of 
offence  towards  God  and  man,  that  we  would  ever 
introduce  the  subject  into  the  public  worship  of  our 
God.  In  order  to  promote  the  good  of  souls,  and  not 
with  the  djsignof  diminishing  your  spiritual-minded- 
ness,  we  urge  this  duty,  that,  with  spiritual  views  of 
political  movements,  you  may  intermingle  with  the 
world  ;  that  whatsoever  ye  do,  whether  ye  eat  or  drinky 
ye  may  do  all  to  the  glory  of  God.*  All  things,  not 
excepting  political  events,  are  for  your  sakes.  The 
whole  of  the  nations  are  subordinate  to  the  church, 
the  spiritual  spouse  of  Immanuel.  /  am  the  Lord 
thy  God,  the  holy  one  of  Israel,  thy  Saviour :  I  gave 
Egypt  for  thy  ransom,  Ethiopia  and  Seha  for  thee. 
Since  thou  wast  precious  in  my  sight,  thou  hast  been 
honourable,  and  I  have  loved  thee;  therefore  will  I  give 
menfor  thee,  and  people  for  thy  life.-f 

The  judicious  minister  will  weigh,  in  the  balance 
of  the  sanctuary,  every  subject,  for  the  purpose  of 
determining  its  importance.  He  will  rarely  enter 
upon  political  topics.  He  will  never  descend  to 
questions  of  mere  party  :  but  there  are  times  in 
which  he  ought  not  to  be  silent,  respecting  the  con- 
duct of  nations,  or  of  christians  in  their  civil  capa- 
city. 

*  1  Cor.  X.  31.  f  Isa.  xllli.  3,  4. 


36  THE    RIGHT   OF    DISCUSSIKG 

4.  OhjecUon.  "  Gospel-hearers  are  usually  so  di- 
vided, on  political  subjects,  that  ministers  ought  not 
to  give  offence  by  expressing  their  own  opinions." 

Christians  are,  alas,  divided :  and  the  pride  of  opi- 
nion in  their  distracted  state,  does  much  mischief.   It 
is  the  policy  of  the  mere  men  of  this  world  to  keep 
them  divided ;  and  the  god  of  this  w^orld  triumphs 
in  their  want  of  unanimity  and  cordiality.     If  chris- 
tians did  uniformly  co-operate,  Satan's  servants  and 
kingdom  could  not  prosper.     But  the  professors  of 
religion  are  divided,  not  about  politics  only ;  every 
doctrine  of  Christianity,  every  article  of  ecclesiastical 
order,  has  been  a  subject  of  dispute  and  contention. 
Are   not  the  ambassadors  of  Christ   at    liberty  to 
preach  disputed  doctrines,  and  enforce  any  particu- 
lar discipline  or  rule,  even  although  some  professed 
christians  should  withhold  their  assent  ?  Certain  pub- 
lic teachers  may,  indeed,  esteem  it  convenient  to  act 
upon  this  maxim,  and  never  support  any  one  system 
of  doctrine  or  of  order.     These  are  not  the  exam- 
ples of  our  ministry.     Evangelical  truths,  I  know, 
are  more  important,  infinitely  more  important,  than 
the  common  causes  of  party  contention  in  politics; 
therefore  they  require  the   more  attention.     When 
occasion  requires,  however,  the  mere  fact,  that  men 
are  of  different  politics,   ought  not  to  prevent   the 
application  of  the  word   of  God  to  their  disputes- 
Political  morality  is  essential  to  Christianity. 

Am  T  told,  that  this  will  do  no  good :  that  it  will 
fjnly  give  otfence  :  that  it  will  alienate  the  affectionf^ 


PUBLIC    AFFAIRS.  37 

of  one  set  of  politicians  from  the  pastor:  that  it  will 
mar  his  usefulness ;  and  create  personal  enemies  to 
himself?  Who  makes  these  assertions?  Men  who 
are  mild  and  free  from  political  bias  ?  or  men  who 
are  full  of  violence,  and  determined  to  execute  the 
threatening?  In  the  discharge  of  my  duty,  I  will 
fearlessly  run  this  risk.  I  will  try  whether,  in  this 
liberal  age,  the  candid  investigation  of  the  subject 
before  me,  without  imgenerous  allusion  or  invective, 
will  create  me  personal  enemies.  I  will  make  the 
experiment,  whether  it  be  possible  for  any  minister 
of  religion  to  prefer  the  cause  of  his  country  to  that 
of  its  powerful  foe,  without  provoking  the  resentment 
of  party  spirit.  If  1  suffer,  I  am  prepared  for  it; 
but  I  do  not  expect  any  such  treatment.  Men  of 
different  religious  sentiments  hear  without  passion 
the  same  sermon.  Are  they,  then,  more  concerned 
about  political  than  religious  truth,  and  dispos- 
ed to  resent  a  difference  of  opinion  on  that  subject, 
more  than  on  subjects  relative  to  their  eternal  inter- 
ests ?  1  cannot,  as  yet,  admit  this  to  be  the  case.  I 
confidently  indulge  the  hope,  that  there  is  more  li- 
berality, amoiig  those  who  attend  upon  gospel 
ordinances,  than  to  deny  to  us  the  right,  which  they 
exercise  themselves,  of  forming  each  his  own  senti- 
ments, on  political  morality,  and  of  modestly  express- 
ing them  to  the  world. 

We  do  not  presume  to  prescribe  for  you.  We  do 
not  dictate  to  you  in  the  choice  of  public  officers. 
We  allow  you  to  judge  for  yourselves.  We  only 
I'equire  of  you  a  similar  permission  for  us :   and, 


M  THE    RIGHT   OK    IJISCCSSING 

upon  Ibis  subject,  while  we  cautiously  avoid  the 
use  of  intemperate  language,  we  have  only  to  ask, 
that  you  do  justice  to  our  arguments,  and  to  the  mo- 
tives with  which  they  are  offered. 

5.  Ohjedion.  "  Political  remarks  are  unfavour- 
able to  devotion;  and  therefore  unsuitable  to  the 
pulpit." 

In  endeavouring  to  obviate  this  objection,  I  feel  as 
if  I  had  to  encounter  the  most  difficult  task  which 
my  subject  imposes  upon  me.  The  devotional  feel- 
ings of  many  professed  christians  are  so  feeble,  and 
have  so  little  foundation  in  moral  principle,  that  they 
are  readily  deranged  or  removed.  Others,  who 
have  learned  only  the  rudiments  of  religion,  seldom 
consider  it  in  any  other  light  than  as  matter  of  men- 
tal comfort  to  an  individual,  without  having  any 
relation  to  their  improvement  and  usefulness  as 
members  of  society.  As  they  would  give  their  at- 
tention to  the  things  of  time,  uninfluenced  by  chris- 
tian principles,  they  may  wish  to  fix  in  the  sanctua- 
ry their  attention  upon  the  concerns  of  eternity, 
without  any  reference  to  a  general  reformation  of 
either  church  or  state.  It  is  ever  to  be  expected, 
that  those,  who  are  unwilling  to  consider  religiously 
their  political  concerns,  will  be  as  unwilling  to  be- 
have religiously  in  their  political  transactions. 

This  is  the  way  to  produce  a  separation  between 
the  two  subjects.  And  yet  the  separation  cannot  be 
complete,  unless  all  christians  are   secluded  from 


rUBLIC    AFFAIRS.  39 

every  concern  in  national  politics ;  and  the  entire 
management  devolved  upon  those,  who  will  not  be 
tempted  to  think  of  the  bible  as  the  rule,  or  of 
piety  as  the  principle,  according  to  which  civilians 
should  act:  and  where  would  this  end ;  but  in  the 
transfer  of  the  undivided  management  of  national  af- 
fairs into  the  hands  of  infidels. 

The  principle  of  this  objection,  while  it  appears 
to  proceed  from  spiritual-mindedness,  is  near  of  kin 
to  the  unenlightened  devotion  of  the  recluse  or  the 
hermit,  who  retires  fro!n  the  world  into  a  life  of  so- 
litude. It  approaches  monastic  holiness  more  than 
the  piety  of  Abraham,  of  Elijah,  of  Daniel,  of  Paul, 
and  of  John  the  Divine,  These  were  men  of  piety. 
They  taught,  and  they  practised  the  duties  of  politi- 
cal life,  both  in  peace  and  in  war,  without  thinking 
that  it  injured  devotion:  and  even,  in  the  spirit  on 
the  Lord's  day,  the  beloved  disciple  is  directed  by 
his  arisen  Lord,  to  write  of  the  contendings  and 
changes  of  empire. 

Believe  me,  brethren,  if  our  religion  is  of  the  right 
description,  and  exists  in  a  proper  measure,  we  shall 
certainly  be  enabled  to  contemplate  the  providence 
of  God  in  all  human  affairs,  and  apply  the  law  of 
God  to  questions  of  civil  polity,  without  either  en- 
dangering a  pious  frame  of  mind,  or  engendering  the 
evil  passions  of  worldly  politicians.  I  confess,  how- 
ever, that  I  feel,  at  the  same  time,  for  the  infirmities 
ofthe  w'eak;  and  should  be  disposed  to  avoid  any 
thing  that  might  have  a  tendency  to  mar  their  feeble 


40  THE    KIGHT    OP    DISCD5SING 

devotion,  did  not  duty  require  of  the  ambassadors 
of  Christ,  to  apply  the  law  of  their  God  to  all 
questions  of  practical  morality. 

6.  Objection.  "Preachers  are  usually  dictato- 
rial, and  opposed  to  the  religious  and  civil  liberties 
of  men.  It  is  painful  to  be  under  the  necessity  of 
publicly  contradicting  them,  and  it  is  therefore  bet- 
t-er  for  them  to  omit  political  remarks  in  the  pul- 
pit." 

The  habit  of  public  speaking  without  danger  of 
interruption,  or  immediate  opposition  to  the  decla- 
rations which  they  make,  as  it  is  required  by  the  re- 
spect due  to  devotional  exercises,  and  enjoyed  by  the 
ministers  of  religion,  is  calculated  to  cherish,  upon 
their  part,  a  decision  of  expression,  wliich  may  bor- 
<ler  upon  the  dogmatic.  It  is  probable,  nevertheless, 
that  the  pulpit  orator  is,  usually,  as  far  removed 
from  this  extreme,  as  the  members  of  the  senate,  or 
the  gentlemen  of  the  bar.  A  man  of  mind,  convin- 
ced himself  of  the  truth  of  his  assertions,  will,  in 
any  situation,  speak  with  an  air  of  confidence ;  but 
there  is  no  necessity  of  his  treating  with  contumely 
the  sentiments  of  such  as  think  diflerently  from  him : 
and  it  is  especially  unbecoming  the  pulpit  to  affect 
contempt  for  the  persons  of  men.  If  it  be  a  fact, 
that  a  multitude  of  religious  instructers  are  found 
friendly  to  arbitrary  power,  and  to  an  illegitimate 
i  ubserviency  of  church  to  state  polity,  it  is  surely  no 
good  reason  for  preventing  men,  who  understand 
and  value  the  rights  both  of  God  and  man,  from 


PUBLIC    AFFAIRS.  41 

pointing  out  the  duty  of  christians  in  relation  both 
to  ecclesiastical  and  civil  society.  It  is  not  difficult 
to  account  for  the  fact,  that  so  many  of  tlie  sacerdo- 
tal order  have  inclined  to  despotism,  and  yet  show, 
that  the  liberal  discussion  of  such  topics  from  the 
pulpit  is  truly  favouiable  to  the  real  liberties  of 
men. 

Licentiousness  is  as  remote  from  civil  liberty  as  is 
tyranny  itself.  The  righteousness  which  exalteth 
a  nation,  includes  intelligence  and  public  morality. 
No  moral  improv^ement  can  take  place  without  re- 
gard to  religion :  and  Christianity,  as  opposed  to  in- 
fidelity, to  superstition,  and  to  lawless  power,  is  em- 
phatically the  religion  of  "peace  upon  earth,  and  of 
good  will  towards  men."  It  is  the  religion  of  benevo- 
lence to  man,  as  well  as  piety  towards  God,'  and  of 
course  the  only  "perfect  law  of  liberty."  You  will 
allow  me  to  add,  that  no  means  whatever  can  be 
possibly  successful  in  finally  rescuing  from  usurpa- 
tion the  liberties  of  mankind,  and  of  purifying  and 
perpetuating  them,  without  the  aid  of  the  religion 
taught  by  the  Son  of  God.  This  alone  is  effectual 
in  changing  the  heart,  from  whence  proceed  the  am- 
bition and  the  strife  which  have  been  the  causes  botli 
of  arbitrary  domination  and  wasteful  wars  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth.  When  I  shall  have  point- 
ed out  the  causes  which  incline  the  ministers  of  the 
church,  to  the  side  of  arbitrary  power  among  the  na- 
tions, I  shall  illustrate  this  sentiment  with  a  reriew 
of  facts,  and  so  conclude  my  apology  for  introdu 
cing  this  subject  into  the  pulpit. 


42  THE  lUbHT  OF  BISCDSSIAO 

J.  Account  for  the  fact,  that  chiislian  iiiinistei^ 
should,  in  despite  of  the  tendency  of  the  chiistian 
religion  to  favour  the  cause  of  civil  liberty,  be  often 
found  among  the  supporters  of  the  interests  of  arbi- 
trary p<:>\ver. 

ii  is  not  to  be  expected,  among  men  of  imperfec'if; 
faculties  and  of  like  passions  with  others,  that  ihey 
should  be  perfectly  conformed  to  the  divine  law^ 
or  even,  in  every  case,  assimilated  to  the  examples 
which  divine  revelation  records  with  approbation. 
They  are  capable  of  being,  in  part,  affected  by  sur- 
rounding circumstancesy  where  they  are  piously 
disposed ;  and,  it  is  not  to  be  questioned,  that,  iii 
many  instances,  men  enter  into  the  ministry  with 
unsanctified  hearts,  as  the  means  of  procuring  e 
convenient  livelihood.  The  great  body  of  the 
priesthood  of  the  nations  will  accordingly  yield  ta 
the  force  of  circumstances,  and  there  are  found  so 
inany  exciting  causes  to  prejudice  the  mind  against 
fivil  liberty,  that  it  is  easy  to  account  for  the  fact 
■^vhich  we  deplore. 

These  causes  are  to  be  found  in  the  ecclesiastica* 
''Establishments  of  the  nations — The  personal  ambi- 
tion of  ecclesiastics — The  power  of  fear — And  the 
inclination  to  propagate  their  own  opinions,  patura! 
to  all  men. 

First.  ITie  ecclesiastical  establishments  among 
the  nations,  secure  a  very  great  proportion  of  all 
the  clergy  in  the  christian  world,  upon  the  side  of 


PUBLIC    AFFAIRS.  4,3 

the  system  of  civil  rule,  by  which  they  are  supported, 
many  of  them  in  great  splendour  and  opulence.  They 
are  themselves,  as  much  as  the  Egyptian,  Chaldean,  or 
Roman  hierarchies,  a  part  of  the  national  govern- 
ment, and  as  such  identified  with  the  prevailing  des- 
potism. They,  of  course,  and  also  as  many  as  can 
be  influenced  by  their  doctrine  and  example,  will  be. 
disposed  to  coincide  with  tyrannical  power.* 

Second.  Personal  ambition  is,  everywhere,  in  o 
greater  or  less  degree,  to  be  found.  Clerical  ambi- 
tion was  found  in  the  apostolical  age,  and  it  has  ne- 
ver yet  diminished  ;  but  still  continues  to  agitate  the 
churches.  That  civil  liberty,  which  oflers  restraint 
to  its  exercise,  and  which  denies  giatification  to  its 
desires,  will  not  receive  so  much  of  its  aid,  as  a  more 
splendid  and  powerful  system,  which  can  reward  its 
services,  by  reducing  within  its  reach  the  objects 
which  it  is  anxious  to  compass — rank,  influence,  and 
opulence.  Discerning  statesmen,  of  arbitrary  and 
ambitious  views,  will  understand  their  men ;  and  the 
(understanding  becomes  mutual. 


*  "  Human  establishments  have  ahvays  been  made  engines  of  state 
policy  :  they  have  promoted  hypocrisy  and  infidelity — the  great 
evil  has  been  in  the  civil  magistrate  usurping  the  throne  of  Christ, 
and  exercising  spiritual  dominion — Here,"  ia  the  United  Slate?, 
"  is  an  asylum  for  you,  our  brethren  of  the  old  world,  whose  lives 
are  embittered  by  the  cruel  impositions  of  men ;  tlie  fruit  of  whose 
labours  go  to  sufiport  lazi/  priests  and  luxurious  princes ;  who,  though 
you  rise  early,  and  late  take  rest,  obtain  only  a  scanty  subsistence 
ibr  yourselves  and  families."  The  Blessings  of  America.  A  sermon, 
hy  the  late  Dr.  Linn,  cf  Ncm-York,  170T. 


44  THE    RIGHT    OF    DISCUSSIKG 

I'iiiicJ.  The  fear  of  infidelity,  ruinous  as  that 
system  k,  not  only  to  ecclesiastical  authority,  but  to 
good  morals,  and  to  present  and  future  happiness, 
has  driven  many  of  the  best  men  of  the  present  age, 
into  an  unhappy  attachment  to  the  doctrines  of  the  old 
antichribtian  school.  Irreligion  formed,  especially  at 
the  commencement  of  the  French  revolution,  a  tem- 
porary connexion  with  liberty  against  the  dominion 
of  European  despotism  ;  and  virtuous  minds,  not  capa- 
ble of  sufficient  discrimination,  rejected  liberty  on 
accoimt  of  her  evil  associate.  Designing  men  looked 
upon  the  connexion  with  pleasure,  as  affording  an 
opportunity  of  sounding  the  alarm,  and  reducing 
into  discredit  the  cause  of  liberty,  as  if  inseparable 
from  impiety  and  licentiousness.  Ministers,  like 
others,  took  the  alarm;  and  although  the  scriptiues 
assure  us,  that  no  other  evil  is  to  have  such  de- 
structive influence  in  the  church,  as  the  antichristian 
polity  of  superstitious  establishments,  they  spake, 
in  private,  and  from  the  pulpit,  as  if  democracy  and 
deism  were  the  only  calamity  to  the  church  of  God. 
In  the  course  of  a  few  years,  of  madness  and  misrule 
upon  the  part  of  France,  habits  of  opposition  to  revo- 
lutions, and  of  attachments  to  ancient  despotism,  have 
been  so  strongly  formed,  that,  even  now,  when  history 
proves  the  danger  to  have  been  visionary,  and  France 
has  actually  returned  to  her  ancient  boundaries,  and 
her  ancient  superstition,  under  her  former  race  of 
kings ;  the  practice  continues  of  presenting  liberty  ar- 
rayed in  the  garb  of  infidelity,  as  an  object  of  execra- 
tion and  universal  abhorrence.  Anotlier  generation 
will  scarcely  credit  the  extent  of  the  panic  among  the 


PUBLIC    AFFAIRS.  45 

churches  of  the  reformation.  They  will  be  amazed 
on  learning  from  history,  that  distinguished  and  in- 
telligent protestants  in  our  own  country,  had  been 
driven  by  their  fears  of  French  infidelity,  so  far  into 
a  forgetfulness  of  the  faith  of  their  fathers,  and  of 
the  recent  struggles  which  established  their  national 
liberties,  as  to  hail  like  the  millennium,  an  event 
which  tended  to  consolidate  European  despotisms ; 
which  restored  to  power  the  man  of  sin,  with  all  the 
gloomy  terrors  of  the  Roman  inquisition ;  and  which 
afforded  the  opportunity  to  their  ancient  foe,  of 
pouring  out  his  victorious  legions  upon  their  own 
shores. 

Fourth.  It  is  natural  for  men  to  express  their 
opinions  to  others ;  and  to  be  uneasy  under  restraint. 
Ministers  of  religion  are  as  much  disposed  as  any  of 
their  fellow-citizens  to  propagate  their  own  senti- 
ments. Their  habits  render  them  as  impatient,  un- 
der restraint,  and  of  opposition,  as  any  class  of  men. 
They,  of  course,  incline  to  those  political  partizans 
who  guarantee  and  encourage  the  exercise  of  their 
right.  When  they  open  their  bibles,  they  discover 
political  precepts  which  they  are  to  expound.  If 
the  friends  of  freedom  should,  under  misapprehen- 
sion, manifest  an  unwillingness  to  permit  such  expo- 
sition, and  their  political  opponents  by  every  means^ 
encourage  it,  a  prejudice  must  immediately  arise  in 
favour  of  the  latter.  Unhappily  for  our  country, 
this  is  very  generally  the  case.  And  yet,  however 
obvious  tlie  effect  produced  by  these  causes,  sepa- 
rate or  combined,  it  is  a  misrepresentation  of  the 


46  THE   RIGHT   OF   mSCUSSII\G 

most  injudicious  and  unjust  description,  to  class  the 
ministers  of  Christianity  indiscriminately  among  the 
enemies  of  civil  freedom.  Real  religion  is  the  best 
friend  of  rational  liberty. 

2.  History  vindicates  the  character  of  christian 
ministers,  and  holds  them  up  to  view,  as  furnishing, 
in  every  age,  some  instances  of  the  most  intrepid 
and  successful  resistance  to  the  foes  of  freedom. 

We  do  not  carry  you  back,  for  proofs  of  this  as- 
sertion, to  the  ages  of  inspiration ;  for  the  time  would 
fail  me  to  tell  of  Gideon  and  Barak,  and  of  Sam- 
son, and  of  Jephthah ;  of  David  also,  and  Sanmel,  and 
of  the  prophets:  who,  through  faith  subdued  king- 
doms, wrought  righteousness,  obtained  promises, 
stopped  the  mouths  of  lions,  quenched  the  violence 
of  fire,  escaped  the  edge  of  the  sword,  out  of  weak- 
ness were  made  strong,  waxed  valiant  in  fight,  turned 
to  flight  the  armies  of  the  aliens.*  Nor  do  we  refer 
you  to  the  history  of  theMaccabeanbrethren,  who  sig- 
nalized their  zeal  and  their  constancy,  against  the  ty- 
rant Antiochus,  in  defence  of  tlie  liberty  and  religion 
of  their  country.  The  story  of  more  recent  times, 
makes  us  acquainted  with  ministers  of  Christianity, 
who  vindicated  the  cause  of  God  and  man  at  the  peril 
of  their  lives,  against  the  encroachments  and  preten- 
sions of  arbitrary  power.  In  the  era  of  the  reformation, 
it  was  by  the  aid  of  christian  divines,  that  men  became 
acquainted  with  their  sacred  rights :  Zuinglius,  and 

*Heb.  IL  32—34. 


PUBLIC   AFFAIRS.  4? 

Luther,  and  Calvin,  and  Knox,  like  Moses,  who/car- 
ed  not  the  wrath  of  the  king^  said  to  the  enslavers  of 
their  brethren,  let  my  people  go;  and  in  the  words  of 
Samuel,  when  Saul  had  rent  his  mantle,  the  Lord 
hath  rent  the  kingdom  from  thee,  did  they  venture  to 
address  both  kings  and  emperors.  Who  more  va- 
lorous in  restoring  the  liberties  of  Holland ;  in  con- 
quering the  veterans  of  Alva ;  and  in  resisting 
Philip  the  tyrant,  than  the  thousands  who  wept 
under  the  ministry  of  their  patriotic  and  faithful  pas- 
tors, before  the  gates  of  Antwerp  and  Haeilem. 
Throughout  the  several  provinces  of  the  Nether- 
lands, the  foundei-s  of  that  famous  republic  were  ac- 
customed to  meet  in  arms,  to  hear  sermons  from 
preachers  for  whose  heads  rewards  were  in  vain  of- 
fered by  the  foes  of  liberty  and  truth.  Scotland,  the 
original  country  of  the  whigs,  led  on  by  her  faithful 
pastors,  introduced  the  name  and  the  spirit  into 
England ;  and,  by  the  aid  of  the  Puritan  ministers, 
succeeded  in  the  temporary  reformation  of  both  the 
sanctuary  and  the  throne.  To  these  advocates  of  li- 
berty, the  British  empire  stands  to  this  day  under  ob- 
ligation for  all  the  freedom  enjoyed  by  the  constitu- 
tion. In  encouraging  and  effecting  the  American  re- 
volution, the  exertions  and  influence  of  christian  mi- 
nisters, in  the  pulpit,  in  the  congress,  and  in  the  field, 
were  felt  and  duly  appreciated :  and  there  are  yet 
among  our  own  pastors,  men,  who,  in  despite  of  the 
baleful  influence  of  party  spirit,  feel  the  force  of  piety 
and  patriotism,  and  remember  their  duty  to  the  cause 
of  equity,  their  country,  and  their  God.  If  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  this  great  and  growing  empire  are 


48  THIi   RIGHT   OF    DISCUSShXU,    ki:. 

(loomed  to  perish,  their  last  abode  will  be  found  along 
the  side  of  the  pulpits  of  the  ministers  of  religion. 
There  are  men,  in  that  sacred  office,  wlio  would, 
in  such  a  case,  use  upon  better  principles  than  did 
the  Roman  orator,  the  words  which  he  put  on  the 
lips  of  his  distinguished  client,  Titus  Anniiis  Milo, 
"I  will  withdraw,  and  retire  into  exile:  if  I  cannot 
be  a  member  of  a  virtuous  commonwealth,  it  will  be 
some  satisfaction  not  to  live  in  a  bad  one;  and,  as 
soon  as  I  set  foot  in  a  well-regulated  and  free  state, 
there  will  I  fix  my  abode — ijuam-primum  tetigcro  bene 
moiratam  el  liheram  civilalem,  in  ea  conquicscam.''^  But, 
no  ?  Liberty  shall  not  perish  I  The  daughter  of  Zion 
rejoices  in  her  fellowship.  Peace  and  prosperity 
shall  hereafter  visit  our  land,  and  dwell  in  our  habi- 
tations. The  Lord  hasten  it  in  his  own  time,  and 
unto  him  be  glory  in  Christ  Jesus,  world  iviihout 
end.     AME^^ 


i*f 


THE  MORAL  CHARACTER  OF  THE  TWO 
BELLIGERENTS. 

— — ^*'^'*- — 

SERMON  !!• 

Tekel;  7%om  art  weighed  in  the  balances^  and  art 
found  wanting.     Dan.  v.  27. 

1  HIS  solemn  sentence  was  pronounced  by  a  pro- 
phet of  God,  upon  one  of  the  most  splendid  and 
powerful  monarchies  that  ever  existed.  At  a  very 
critical  period,  and  under  circumstances  of  the  most 
alarming  kind,  Daniel  ventured  to  proclaim  this  un- 
welcome truth,  before  the  assembled  lords  and  ru- 
lers of  Chaldea. 

Belshazzar,  the  Nabonadius  of  the  Greek  histo- 
rians, and  tbe  son  of  Evil-merodac,  by  his  queen,  the 
celebrated  Nitocris,  now  sat  upon  the  throne  of  Ne- 
buchadnezzar, his  grandfather,  and  the  most  famous 
of  the  kings  of  Babylon.  It  was  on  the  17th  year  of 
his  criminal  and  calamitous  reign,  and  on  the  anni- 
versary of  a  festival  sacred  to  the  idol-god,  Sheshach, 
that  Belshazzar  ordered  an  entertainment  for  his 
thousand  lords,  in  the  spacious  halls  of  his  proud 

7 


50  THE    MORAL   CHARACTER    OF 

palace.  He  forgot,  amidst  his  wine,  and  his  revelr/r 
that  he  was  in  a  besieged  city.  For  two  years  had 
the  united  armies  of  the  far-famed  Cyrus  of  Per- 
sia, and  of  his  uncle  Darius  the  INlede,  laid  siege  to 
Babylon,  the  most  magnificent  metropolis  of  the 
world.  Babylon,  covering  a  square  of  sixty  miles 
circumference,  watered  by  the  great  river  Euphrates, 
surrounded  by  a  wall  of  eighty-seven  feet  in  thickness, 
and  of  corresponding  height,  strengthened  by  three 
hundred  towers  of  defence,  and  provisioned  for  ma- 
ny years,  proudly  frowned  upon  the  thousands  of 
■Media,  and  Persia,  who,  hitherto  in  vain,  w^ere  en- 
deavouring its  overthrow. 

Belshazzar,  while  he  tasted  the  wine,  commanded  Uic 
golden  vessels,  taken  from  the  house  of  God  in  .Jeru- 
salem, to  be  brought  to  him.  With  polluted  lips, 
he,  his  princes,  his  wives,  and  his  concubines,  drank, 
from  the  sacred  relics  of  Zion's  former  greatness, 
and  praised  the  gods  of  gold,  and  of  silver,  of  brass, 
of  iron,  of  wood,  and  of  stone.  A  brilliant  candle- 
stick, with  its  many  lights,  the  rays  of  which  were 
reflected  from  innumerable  mirrors,  is  suspended 
from  the  ceiling;  and  all  within  the  palace  is  mirth 
and  song.  But,  at  once,  the  king  of  Babylon  trem- 
bles. The  paleness  of  death  sat  upon  his  counte- 
nance. The  joints  of  his  loins  were  loosed ;  and  his 
knees  smote  one  against  another.  The  whole  assem- 
bly fell  into  disorder.  There  was  a  cause.  Fingers, 
unconnected  with  mortal  hand,  appear  on  the  wall 
over  against  the  candlestick,  and  there,  in  writing, 
they  leave  the  indelible  sentence  which  Daniel  the 


THE   TWO   BELLIGERENTS.  51 

prophet  was  summoned  to  interpret — Mene,  Mene, 
Tekel,  Upharsin.  He  hath  numhcred,  he  hath  num- 
hered,  he  hath  weighed^  they  divide.  Tlie  King  of 
heaven  hath  numbered  the  days  of  Chaldean  power — 
He  hath  numbered  them  completely — The  Judge  of 
the  earth  hath  weighed  in  the  scale  of  moral  estima- 
tion, this  government — Tlie  Medes  and  Persians  di- 
vide and  destroy  the  empire. 

That  night  the  interpretation  was  verified.  The 
Medes  and  Persians  took  the  city,  and  massacred  its 
nobles.  The  sun  of  Babylon  set  to  rise  no  more. 
It  is  now  but  a  tale  that  is  told.  Sic  transit  gloria 
miindi.  Human  power  is  evanescent ;  but  the  word 
of  the  Lord  endurethfor  ever.  The  hand-writing  upon 
the  wall  shall  not  be  forgotten  :  the  words  are  copied 
into  our  bibles :  they  shall  be  repeated  over  all  the 
liingdoms  of  the  nations,  unto  people  of  every  kindred 
and  tongue  :  and  the  maxims  which  they  lay  down, 
s.hall,  in  their  full  import,  be  applied  to  other  times. 

Tekel,   Thou  art  weighed  in  the  balances. 

The  same  balances  still  remain  in  the  hand  of  the 
Judge  of  the  universe — Nations  still  exist — and  the 
ministers  of  religion,  like  the  prophet  of  God,  still 
interpret  the  divine  will. 

Acting  upon  this  authority,  I  proceed,  to  weigh, 
before  your  eyes,  in  the  balance  of  the  sanctuary, 
THE  British  monarchy  and  the  American  republic. 


^•2  THi;    MORAL   CHARACTER   OF 

To  each,  in  its  turn,  I  say,  Tekel.  In  the  estimate, 
which  I  make,  of  the  moral  character  of  each  of 
these  belligerents,  I  desire  to  exercise  the  impartiali- 
ty of  a  visitant  from  another  world.  Of  those  things 
which  are  essential  to  the  formation  of  a  correct 
judgment,  I  would,  designedly, 

"  Keep  notliing  back, 

"  Nor  aught  set  down  in  malice." 

Seeing  it  is  not  as  a  statesmen,  a  historian,  or  a 
philosopher,  but  as  a  christian  divine,  and  with  a 
view  to  particular  practical  questions,  I  am  now 
bound  to  exhibit  their  character,  it  will  not  be  ex- 
pected that  I  should  describe  the  state  of  literature 
in  the  two  countries ;  that  I  should  attend  to  their 
attainments  in  the  sciences  or  the  useful  arts  ;  that  I 
should  give  an  account  of  their  respective  means 
and  strength ;  that  I  should  enter  into  a  detail  of  the 
domestic  economy  or  general  manners  of  the  peo- 
ple ;  or,  that  I  should  describe  the  slate  of  the 
churches,  and  the  spirit  of  their  public  laws,  other- 
wise, than  as  essentially  necessary  to  an  estimate  of 
the  comparative  goodness  of  the  two  governments 
which  are  opposed  in  war. 

The  controversy,  to  be  decided  by  the  sword,  is 
[in  fact  between  the  two  governments,  although  up- 
on questions  immediately  affecting  the  members  of 
each  community.  Independently,  however,  of  ihe 
merits  of  the  cause^  for  which  war  is  waged,  it  is  in- 
teresting for  the  christian  to  understand  the  charac- 


THE   TWO    BELLIGERENTS.  53 

\iev  of^  ihe  parties  in  the  contest.     By  contemplating 
ithese,  in  the  light  of  the  divine  law,  we  shall  be  able 
to  determine  which  has  the  least  degree  of  the  di- 
jvine  disapprobation,  and  to  which,  of  course,  the  af- 
jfections  of  the  friends  of  God  should  most  forcibly 
jtend.     There  is  a  sense  in  which  christians  are  not 
Inumbered    among    the    nations.      As   members    of 
{Christ's  kingdom,  which  is  not  of  this  world,  as  sub- 
jects to  the  Sovereign  Governor  of  all  nations,  they 
fire  not  to  be  influenced  by  partiality  to  country,  so 
inuch  as  by  correct  views  of  the  righteousness  or 
iniquity  which  may  belong  to  the  constitutions  of  na- 
tional power. 

f  The  constitutions  of  government  as  reduced  to  prac- 
Uice,  are,  in  this  case,  the  proper  objects  of  examina- 
Ition.  To  these,  as  it  respects  the  two  belligerents,  I 
(now  direct  your  attention,  while  I  place  them  in  the 
?  balances  in  the  name  of  the  Judge  of  the  world. 

I  begin  at  home,  with, 

I.  The  national  government  of  the  United  Slates, 

The  sin  of  a  nation  is  the  aggregate  of  all  the 
transgressions  committed  by  individuals  in  that  na- 
tion :  but  these  are  properly  national  sins,  which  are 
notorious,  prevalent,  and  characteristic.  I  speak  not, 
however,  of  the  nation  at  large,  but  of  its  consti- 
tuted authorities,  and  therefore  attend  only  to  au- 
thorized SINS.* 

*  The  following  remarks,  made  upon  (he  British  nation,  by  a 
rery  amiable  and  pious  divine  of  the  church  of  England,  apply  equal 


5i  THE   MORAL   CHARACTER   OF 

^  The  public  immoralities  of  the  constitution  of  our 
federal  government,  may,  although  more  numerous 
j^n  detail,  be  classed  under  two  heads,  viz.  Disrt- 
\  sped  for  God — and  violation  of  human  liberly.  By 
jthe  terms  of  the  national  compact,  God  is;  not  at  all 
tacknowledged,  and  holding  men  in  slavery  is  author- 
■ized.     Both  these  are  evils. 

1.  God  is  not  acknowledged  by  the  constitution. 
In  a  federative  government,  erected  over  several 
distinct  and  independent  states,  retaining  each  the 
power  of  local  legislation,  it  is  not  to  be  expected 
that  specific  provision  should  be  made  for  the  inter- 
ests of  religion  in  particular  congregations.  The 
general  government  is  erected  for  the  general  good 
of  the  United  States,  and  especially  for  the  manage- 
ment of  their  foreign  concerns  :  but  no  association  of 
men  for  moral  purposes  can  be  justified  in  an  entire 

ly  to  this  country.  ''  The  multiplicity  of  oaths  which  are  interwo- 
ven into  almost  every  branch  of  public  business,  involves  thousands 
in  the  habitual  guilt  of  perjury,  which  perhajis  may  eminently  be 
styled  our  national  sin.  The  frequency  of  oaths,  the  irreverent  man- 
ner in  which  they  are  administered,  and  the  impunity  with  which 
they  are  broken,  have  greatly  contributed  to  weaken  the  sense  of 
every  moral  obligation,  and  to  spread  a  desolate  and  daring  spirit 
through  the  land.  The  profanation  of  the  Lord's  day,  drunkenness, 
{)rofane  swearing,  are  contrary,  not  only  to  tlie  precept  of  scripture, 
but  to  the  laws  of  the  land;  and  yet  could  hardly  be  more  preva- 
lent if  there  were  no  statutes  in  force  against  them.  Very  few  ma^ 
gistrates  are  concerned  to  enforce  the  observation  of  these  laws; 
and,  if  private  persons  sometimes  attempt  it  by  information,  they 
meet  but  little  success  ;  they  obtain  but  little  thanks.  The  acts  of 
pleading,  the  minutses  and  niceties  of  forms,  are  employed  to  entaD.. 
gle  or  discourage  them^  and  to  skreen  offenders.'^ 

Newloii's  Works,  Phil.  1792.  Fol.  V.  page  306. 


THE   FEDERAL   CONSTITUTIO:^.  55 

neglect  of  the  Sovereign  of  the  world.  Statesmen 
in  this  country  had  undoubtedly  in  their  eye  tht 
abuse  of  religion  for  mere  political  purposes,  which 
in  the  nations  of  the  old  world,  had  corrupted  the 
sanctuary,  and  laid  the  foundation  for  the  persecution 
of  godly  men.  The  principal  writers,  upon  govern- 
ment, friendly  to  the  cause  of  civil  liberty  in  the  king- 
doms of  Europe,  had  generally  advocated  principles, 
which,  in  their  application,  have  led,  upon  the  part  of 
civilians,  to  a  disrespect  for  religion  itself;  and  these 
principles  had  no  small  influence  upon  tlie  founders  of 
this  republic.  This  was  the  case  in  a  remarkable  de- 
gree with  the  conimenlal  politicians;  nor  are  Sydney 
and  Locke  to  be  entirely  exempted  from  the  charge. 
In  the  overthrow  of  those  particular  establishments, 
favourable  to  the  church  of  England,  which  existed 
here  before  the  revolution,  it  was  natural,  consider- 
ing the  state  of  religious  information  in  the  commu- 
nity, to  go  to  an  opposite  extreme.  But  no  consi- 
deration will  justify  the  framers  of  the  federal  con- 
stitution, and  the  administration  of  the  government, 
in  withholding  a  recognition  of  the  Lord  and  his 
Anointed  from  the  grand  charter  of  the  nation.  On 
our  daily  bread,  we  ask  a  blessing.  At  our  ordina- 
ry meals,  we  acknowledge  the  Lord  of  the  world. 
We  begin  our  last  testament  for  disposing  of  world- 
ly estates,  in  the  name  of  God:  and  shall  we  be 
guiltless,  with  the  bible  in  our  hands,  to  disclaim  the 
christian  religion  as  a  body  politic  ?* 

*  If  it  be  true,  as  has  been  asserteJ,  by  men  who  had  the  oppor- 
tunity of  knowing  the  fact,  that  Benjamin  Franklin  proposed,  in 
the  coBvention.  the  introdiicfion  in*o  thf»  rDniltutiou,  of  an  arficls 


56  THlL    MOKAL   CHAKACILK   OF 

I  2.  The  constitution  of  our  government  recognizes 
fche  practice  of  holding  meiiy  without  being  convicted 
of  any  offence  against  society,  in  perpetual  slavery. 

This  evil,  prohibited  by  the  divine  law,  Exod.  xxi. 
16.  And  he  that  slealeth  a  man,  and  selleth  him,  or  if 
he  be  found  in  his  hand,  he  shall  surely  be  put  to  death,* 
is  equally  inconsistent  with  what  is  said,  in  the  decla- 
ration of  American  independence,  to  be  a  self-evi- 
dent truth.  The  words  of  that  very  valuable  docu- 
ment, are  as  follow,  "We  hold  these  truths  to  be 
self-evident — that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that 
they  are  endowed  by  the  Creator  with  certain  una- 
lienable rights;  that,  among  these  are  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness — That  to  secure  these 
rights  governments  are  instituted  among  men."  In 
direct  opposition  to  these  self-evident  maxims,  the 
constitution  provided  for  the  continuance  of  the 
slave-trade  until  the  year  1808,  and  it  still  provides 
for  the  continuance  of  slavery  in  this  free  country. 
It  even  gives  to  the  slave-holder  an  influence,  in  le- 

professing  submission  to  the  Lonl,  anil  that  he  was  overruled,  the  sin 
and  the  reproach  on  the  part  of  his  op[ionents  is  the  greater.  It  is 
certainly  true,  thnt  an  achninistralion,  often  ?aid  to  be  inore  friendly 
to  Christianity,  than  that  which  lias  recently  existed,  has  di?clainjed 
that  relisiioij  in  the  following  words:  viz.  '■'•  The  government  of  the 
Vnilcd  States  is  not,  in  any  sense,  founded  on  the  christian  religion.  Jt 
has  in  itself,  no  character  cf  enmUy  against  the  laws  or  religion  of 
Mussulmen.'" 

Trippl.  Treaty,  Art.U.  U.  S.  Laws,  Vol.  IF. 

This  treaty,  ratified  in  the  year  1797,  was  thereby  made  the  su- 
preme law  of  the  land.  Const.  Art.  t.  Sect.  2.  lu  a  discourse  publish- 
e<l  in  1 803,  the  author  has  vindicated  Chi  isCs  power  over  the  nations. 

*  The  author  published  a  discourse  on  this  text,  in  1802. 


THE   FEDERAL   GOVERNMENT.  57 

gislatioii,  proportioned  to  the  number  of  his  fellow- 
men  he  holds  in  bondage,* 

For  these  national  immoralities,  I  am  bound,  as  a 
minister  of  the  gospel,  who  derives  his  politics  from 
the  bible,t  to  pronounce  upon  this  government  the 
sentence  of  my  text, — tekel.  Thou  art  weighed  in  the 
balances,  and  art  found  wanting. 

Let  me  not  be  understood,  however,  as  conveying 
ithe  idea,  that  the  other  belligerent  is  not  faulty  in 
ithese  respects.  Great  Britain  set  the  example  to  her 
colonies,  of  prosecuting  the  slave-trade.  She  still 
retains  in  her  numerous  provinces,  thousands  in  ab- 
ject bondage.  A  few  good  men,  after  the  repeated, 
the  continual  exertion  of  years  in  the  British  Par- 
liament, obtained  at  last  a  victory  honourable  to 
themselves  and  to  the  cause  of  humanity,  in  finally 

"^  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  declares,  Art.  I.  Sect.  9. 
Clause  1.  The  migration,  or  importation  of  such  persons,  as  any  of 
the  states  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  pro- 
hibited by  the  Congress,  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hun- 
dred and  eight.  Art.  I.  Sect.  2,  Clause  3.  Representatives,  and  di- 
rect taxes,  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  states  which  may 
be  included  within  this  union,  according  to  their  respective  num- 
iiers,  which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of 
free  persons — three-fifths  of  all  other  persons. 

f  "  The  bible  is  mi/  system  of  politics.  There  I  read,  that  the 
Lord  reigns ;  that  he  doth  what  he  pleaseth  in  the  armies  of  heaven, 
and  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth ;  that  no  wisdom,  under- 
standing, counsel,  or  power,  can  prevail  without  his  blessing;  that, 
as  righteousness  exalteth  a  nation,  so  sin  is  the  reproach,  and  will 
even  totally  be  the  ruin,  of  any  people."  Ncwlon. 


58  THE    MORAL    CHARACTER    OF 

abolishing"  the  African  trade ;  but  those  injured  peo 
pie,  already  in  durance,  have  no  hope  of  release  for 
themselves  or  for  their  offspring.    Slavery  is  a  black, 
a  vile  inheritance  left  to  America  by  her  royal  step- 
mother, whose  injustice  produced  the  Revolution. 

On  the  score  of  religion,  it  is  better  to  neglecty  tlian 
to  proslihite  the  church  of  God.  Here^  the  framers 
of  our  law  have  said  to  the  daughter  of  Zion,  "  de- 
part from  our  councils.  A  few  of  us  love  thy  cause ; 
but  there  are  some  who  hate  it;  and  the  greater  part 
are  indiffejent  about  thee.  Go,  seek  thy  way  uninter- 
rupted through  the  land.  Thou  art  free  to  pursue 
the  most  desirable  course :  but  upon  our  aid  thou 
must  not  calculate."  There,  political  men  beheld 
the  christian  cause  with  an  eye  that  seeks  to  make 
gain  of  every  object  within  its  reach.  The  states- 
man said,  "  Come,  daughter  of  Zion,  thou  must 
bear  my  yoke ;  thou  must  be  my  servant ;  thou 
must  promote  my  interest;  and  shouldst  thou 
refuse  my  mandates,  thou  shalt  suffer  for  thy 
fidelity  to  Jehovah.  AVhatever  the  bible  may 
teach,  it  is  my  business  to  establish  such  a  sys- 
tem of  religion  as  best  suits  my  own  political  plans. 
This  is  my  determination." 

Notwithstanding,  therefore,  the  irreligion  of  the 
general  constitution  of  our  government,  the  church  of 
God  is,  in  tliis  country,  upon  a  better  footing,  as  it  re- 
spects the  national  power,  than  in  any  other  country 
upon  earth.  Nay,  under  existing  circumstances,  it  is 
our  mercy,  that  God  has  so  ordered  it  in  his  providence. 


THE    BRITISH    GOVERNMENT.  59 

that  men,  of  the  description  of  those  who  are  elected 
to  power  among  the  nations,  have  not  been  permitted 
to  interfere  with  ecclesiastical  polity,  and  to  exercise 
sovereignty  over  the  consciences  of  men,  in  their  spi- 
tual  concerns.  While  we  reprobate  the  infidelity 
of  the  national  compact,  we  rejoice  in  the  measure 
of  religious  liberty  which  v/e  enjoy ;  and  we  depre- 
cate any  attempts  upon  the  part  of  political  men, 
who  do  not  understand  the  doctrines  and  the  order 
of  the  christian  church,  to  imitate  the  corrupt  exam- 
ple of  Uzsah  the  son  of  Abinadab,  who  applied  his 
hand  to  the  ark  of  the  covenant,  or  of  kings  Saul 
and  A^ariahy  who,  without  authority,  offered  sacri- 
fice and  burned  incense  before  the  Lord,  and  were 
accordingly  punished  as  guilty.*^ 

ill.  I  now  proceed  to  examine  The  moral  character 
of  the  British  Constitution. 

It  is  not  ray  design,  in  this  examination,  to  give 
the  history  of  this  system  of  government,  the  foun- 
dation of  which  is  to  be  found  in  the  rude  and  bar- 
barous institutions  of  the  ancient  Germans,!  or  to 
delineate  its  several  checks  and  balances,  in  the  distri- 
bution of  power,  according  to  its  present  practice. 
However  instructive  to  the  civilian  such  a  review,  it 
would  not  comport  with  the  place  in  which  1  speak, 
or  w^ith  the  object  which  I  contemplate.     Upon  its 

*  1  Sam.  xiii.  10—13.   2  Chron.  xsvi.  16—21. 
■«  Stuart's  Hist.  Diss,  concerning  the  English  Constitution. 


Go  THK   MORAL   CHAKACTER   Oi< 

wisdom  and  its  might,  its  stability  and  its  giandeur, 
let  others  freely  and  fully  descant :  it  is  my  business 
to  place  it  in  the  balances,  in  order  to  ascertain  its 
moral  worth  before  my  God  and  his  church.  Tekel  ; 
He  hath  weiiched  if.  And  by  his  word  we  determine 
its  character. 

The  BRITISH  GOVERNMENT,  as  it  now  exists,  is  a 
despotic  usurpation — A   superstitious   combination  of 
j  civil  and  ecclesiastical  power — A  branch  of  the  grand 
\antichristian   apostacy — Eraslian  in  its   constitution 
land  administration — and  Cruel  in  its  policy.     It  is, 
therefore,  a  throne  of  iniquity,  of  which  neither  God, 
nor  godly  men,  who  understand  it,  can  approve.*  This 
is  a  heavy  charge ;  but  it  is  not  unjust :  if  I  do  not  sup- 
port every  article  of  it  with  sujfficient  documentary 
testimony,  it  is  not  because  I  have  not  abundance  of 
this  at  my  command.    I  lay  some  of  the  eTidence  be- 
fore you.  The  impartial  will  say  it  is  enough.  There 
is  no  need  of  comment.     It  is  selected  from  unques- 
tionable authorities,  or  in  itself  notorious. 

1.  The  British  government^  in  the  present  practice 
of  the  constitution,  is  not  a  fair  representation  of  the 
people  over  whom  its  power  is  exercised. 

There  are  only  three  ways  by  which  one  set  of  men 
acquire  power  over  others — By  divine  authority,  by 
the  election  of  the  people  to  be  governed,  or  by  usur- 
pation.    Usurped  authority,  maintained  as  well  as 

*  Psaltn  xcir.  20. 


THE   BRITISH    GOVERNMENT.  6i 

originally  acquired  by  force,  is  immoral.     Divine 
right  cannot  be  pleaded  without  a  divine  revelation  to 
support  it ;  it  follows  of  course  that  the  choice  of 
the  subject  is  necessary  in  the  constitution  of  civil 
order,  to  confer  legitimate  authority  upon  the  ruler. 
"  The  blood  royal,"  "  the  ancient  sovereigns,"  "  the 
rights  of  the  crown,"  "  the  throne  of  his  ancestors," 
are  all  fine  and  captivating  expressions  from  the  lips 
of  an  orator,  to  amuse  and  deceive  the  thoughtless : 
but  have  they  any  meaning  ?   Do  they  convey  any 
idea  worthy  of  a  man  of  sense  and  magnanimity  ? 
Have  they  any  allurements  for  a  good  christian? 
No.     They  are  only  dazzling  ornaments  without  so- 
lidity and  without  worth.   I  lay  it  down  as  an  axiom 
in  political  morality,  that  true  representation  is 
ESSENTIAL  TO  LAWFUL  POWER ;  and  that  in  all  cases  in 
which  the  Deity  does  not  immediately  interpose  to 
appoint  the  depositaries  of  power,  the  choice  of  a 
representative  belongs  to  the  members  of  the  com- 
munity.    Divide  power  as  you  will ;  make  the  arm 
of  authority  weak  or  strong,  as  suits  your  purpose  ; 
call  your  chief  magistrate  King,  Consul,  Emperor, 
President,  Governor,  or  whatsoever  else  you  please ; 
form  your  legislative  councils  of  one  or  of  many 
chambers;  let  your  courts,  your  judges,  your  offi- 
cers of  law,  be  many  or  few ;  but  maintain  the  prin- 
ciple of  representation  inviolate  ;  for  a  representa- 
tive  DEMOCRACY    IS   THE   ORDINANCE   OF   GoD. 

The  representative  system  is  supported  by  the  au- 
thoriiy  of  common  sense — hy  decisions  of  scripture— 
hy  the  general  voice  of  the  nations  of  the  earth. 


62  THt    MOKAL    CHAHACiLK   Ot 

First.  Men,  with  common  sense  as  their  guide,  in 
all  the  voluntary  associations  which  they  form,  act 
upon  this  principle. 

They  appoint  their  chairman,  their  scribe,  their 
treasurer,  their  managers,  their  committees,  at  plea- 
sure. In  all  free  cities;  in  all  benevolent  institu- 
tions, whether  composed  of  males  or  females ;  in  all 
meetings  for  the  ditfusion  of  literary  knowledge,  for 
liilarity,  or  for  business,  this  is  tlie  common  course  of 
procedure :  and  why  deny  the  application  of  com- 
mon sense  to  national  associations  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  order  under  municipal  law,  and  the  defence 
of  the  state  from  foreign  violence  ? 

Second.  Divine  revelation  inculcates  and  exem- 
plifies the  system  of  representation. 

God  deals  with  us,  upon  a  knowledge  of  the  frame 
of  our  minds  and  the  character  of  our  faculties ;  and 
he  directs  us,  so,  also,  to  deal  one  with  another.  The 
representative  system  appears  in  the  two  great  es- 
tablishments ofheaveUy  in  relation  to  mankind, — the  co- 
venant OF  WORKS  and  the  covenant  of  grace.  There 
is  a  natural  body,  and  there  is  a  spiritual  body.  And 
so  it  is  ivritten,  The  first  maUy  Adam,  was  made  a 
living  soul,  the  last  Adam  was  made  a  quickening  spi- 
rit. The  first  man  is  of  the  earthy  earthy  j  the  second 
man  is  the  Lordfrom  heai'e7i.  And  as  is  the  earthy, 
such  are  they  also  that  are  earihy  j  and  as  is  the  hea- 
venly,  such  are  they  also  that  arc  heavenly  J"" 

■'  1  Cor.  xr.  44 — 43. 


THE   BRITISH    GOVERNMENT.  63 

In  the  administrations  of  divine  grace,  hs  well  as 
in  the  formation  of  his  covenant,  Jehovah  directs 
human  society  by  his  holy  word  to  act  upon  the 
principle  of  representation ;  and  he  guarantees,  by 
divine  right,  to  that  part  of  the  rational  family,  who 
are  peculiarly  under  his  care,  a  system  of  social  or- 
der corresponding  therewith.  Although  he  appoints 
ecclesiastical  officers,  he  gives  the  right  of  choice  to 
the  people  over  whom  they  rule.  In  the  exercise  of 
authority,  ecclesiastical  officers  meet,  and  appoint 
their  own  order  and  agents.  In  the  government  di- 
vinely provided  for  the  church  of  God,  we  have  the 
best  evidence  of  the  manner  in  which  he  will  have 
his  rational  creatures  to  act,  in  the  formation  of  all 
their  social  institutions.  The  church  is  by  divine 
right  a  Republic :  such  a  system  of  government  is  of 
course  the  wisest  and  the  best. 

In  civil  affairs,  as  well  as  in  ecclesiastical,  the  same 
principles  of  order  are  inculcated  in  Scripture.  The 
law  for  the  election  of  rulers,  and  for  trial  of  their 
conduct,  implies  the  right  of  election,  and  removal 
from  office.  The  practice  illustrates  the  law.  We 
read,  it  is  true,  of  kings,  and  of  kings  designated  to 
office  by  immediate  revelation.  But  the  executive 
officers  of  Judah  and  Israel,  although  called  kings, 
were  placed  under  a  law,  and  liable  to  deposition  on 
account  of  mal-administration.  These  kings,  even 
when  nominated  by  the  Lord,  were  still  recognized 
as  the  representatives,  or  agents  of  the  common- 
wealth, and  subject  to  removal  from  office  by  the 
community  whensoever  they  abused  their  trust.  The 


64  THE   MORAL    CHARACTEK   Oh 

covenant  of  God  with  David,  I  admit,  did  author- 
ize the  regal  succession  in  the  family  of  Ihe  son  of 
Jesse ;  but  that  succession  was  never  regulated  by 
primogeniture,  so  much  as  by  actual  qualification 
for  power.  And  it  would  be  as  absurd,  now  that 
Messiah  is  come,  to  whom  that  arrangement  pointed, 
to  plead  in  behalf  of  royal  blood,  as  to  require,  after 
the  example  of  the  house  of  Aaron,  iiiat  the  minis- 
try of  the  church  should  be  subjected  to  hereditary 
succession. 

Ahimehch  is  the  first  king  of  whom  we  read  among 
the  Israelites,  and  he  was  made  so  by  the  men  of 
Shechem.^  The  me7i  of  Israel  had  offered  the  sover- 
eignty to  Gideon ;  but,  while  he  admitted  their  pow-. 
er  of  making  the  election,  he  refused  their  offer.f 
When  Saul  was  placed  upon  the  throne,  the  instiju- 
tion  of  the  monarchy,  and  the  actual  election  of  the 
incumbent,  were  the  acts  of  the  people  of  Israel,  al- 
though the  Lord  pointed  out  the  man.J  David,  Solo- 
mon, and  Rehoboam,  Uzziah  and  Josiah,  received 
the  kingdom  by  consent  of  the  community.  All  the 
kings  of  Israel  and  Judah  were  subject  to  the  con- 
stitution and  the  law ;  obliged  to  act  with  the  advice 
of  the  Sanhedrim,  the  great  council  of  elders ;'  to 
preserve,  in  their  rights,  the  lesser  Sanhedrims  of  the  ^h 
several  cities,  all  of  which  were  regularly  elected  to 
office ;  and  in  default,  these  kings  were  punished  of  ' 
the  Lord,  by  divine  judgments,  and  of  the  people"'  ^ 


'.Judg.  is.  r  .Tudg.  viii.  21— 23.        J  1  Sam.  xxii.  12— :>0. 

Kcs.  xiii.  10. 


<.;0 


THE  BRITISH   GOVERNMENT.  65 

by  deposition,  as  in  the  case  of  Uzziah,  or  by  death, 
as  in  that  of  his  father  Amaziah,  king  of  Judah.* 

*  The  celebrated  Mr.  Prynne,  who  valiantly  contended  in  the 
British  parliament  for  religion  and  liberty,  under  the  reign  of 
Charles  I.  and  who  vindicated,  with  his  pen,  the  rights  of  the  peo- 
ple upon  scriptural  principles,  treats  at  great  length  upon  this  sub- 
ject. After  a  learned  and  full  examination  of  the  history  of  the 
kings  of  Judah  and  Israel,  he  adds,  "From  all  these  texts,  compar- 
ed with  Prov.  xi.  14.  &  xv.  22.  &  xxv.  5.  it  is  most  apparent,  that 
they  were  no  absolute  sovereign  princes,  paramount  to  their  whole 
kingdoms,  or  the  general  senateor  congregation  of  the  people,  or  their 
sanhedrim ;  but  inferior  to  them  in  power ;  and  not  only  counselled, 
but  overruled  usually,  by  them,  in  all  matters  of  public  concern- 
ment."    Sov.  Power  of  Pari.  p.  141. 

Zuinglius\  the  first  herald  of  the  reformation,  says,  that  "  the  peo- 
ple of  Israel,  although  they  called  a  king,  reserved  to  themselves  suf- 
ficient authority  to  overrule  their  king  in  those  things  which  seemed 
needful  for  the  public  welfare.  The  kings  of  the  Jews,  and  others, 
might  be  lawfully  deposed  by  the  people.  If  the  king  be  created  bj 
common  suffrages,  he  may  again  be  deprived  by  common  votes,  un- 
less they  will  be  punished  with  him."  Tom.  I.  Art.  42.  quoted  by 
Prynnc. 

The  learned  Slephanus  J.  Brutus,  in  his  Vindicice  contra  tyran- 
nos,  in  answer  to  Machiavel,  writes,  "  As  all  the  people  are  supe- 
rior to  the  king,  so  are  those  officers  of  state  who  represent  them 
collectively  considered.  In  the  kingdom  of  Israel  they  had  elders 
and  captains  elected  out  of  all  the  tribes,  who  had  the  care  of  the 
commonwealth,  both  in  peace  and  in  war — neither  could  any  thing 
be  determined  without  their  advice,  which  much  concerned  the 
commonwealth.  And  because  they  represented  all  the  people,  all 
the  people  are  then  said  to  have  assembled  together."  Quest.  3.  p. 
94—97. 

Sigonius  is  the  last  writer  I  shall  quote,  in  this  connexion.  "  The 
kings  of  the  Israelites  were  created  by  the  suffrages  of  the  people — 
although  the  kingdom  of  Judah  was  in  a  sense  hereditary,  yet  it 
was  confirmed  by  the  suffrages  of  the  people."  Rep.  Heb.  Lab.  7. 
Cap.  3. 

9 


66  THE   MORAL   CHARACTER   OF 

In  ihe  third  place.  The  general  practice  of  na- 
tions, even  where  monarchy  existed,  is  in  support  of 
the  principle  of  representation.  Kingly  govern- 
ment is  obviously,  as  the  learned  Selden,  a  member 
of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  calls  it,  a  heathen  insli- 
tutionj  but  the  king  was  considered  as  the  agent  of 
the  public  will.  The  history  of  every  nation  will 
serve  to  show,  that  1  do  not  make  the  assertion  with- 
out authority.  The  greatest  tyrants  have  been  in  the 
habit  of  considering  themselves  as  representing  the  na- 
tion over  which  they  ruled;  and  in  the  present  age,  the 
high  claims  of  arbitrary  power  lend  only,  like  the  fa- 
bles of  Pagan  mythology,  and  the  fairy  tales  of  a 
ruder  superstition,  to  decorate,  with  splendid  image- 
ry, poetry  and  romance ;  or,  when  introduced  art- 
fully into  popular  declamation,  to  flatter  aspiring 
mhids,  and  deceive  the  simple.  The  treaty  of  Paris 
abundantly  shows  that  crowned  heads  no  longer  de- 
pend on  the  divine  right  of  hereditary  succession. 
Ferdinand  is  recognized,  during  the  life-time  of  his 
deposed  father,  on  the  throne  of  Spain.  Murat  and 
Bernadotte  are  permitted  to  occupy  the  kingdoms  of 
living  fugitives  of  the  blood  royal ;  and  since  the 
partition  of  Poland,  successiul  usmpation  is  a  better 
title  than  carnal  descent.  If  the  principle  of  repre- 
sentation is  forgotten,  hereditary  right  is  less  de- 
pended on,  than  possession  by  force  of  arms.  Such, 
alas !  is  tlie  unprincipled  condition  of  the  masters  of 
the  European  world.* 

*  That  the  rejiresentative  sysiem,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree, 
met  with  the  views  of  the  several  nations,  is  obvious  from  the 
^vorks  of  the  ablest  writers.    Andrew  Hcrncy  an  eminent  Englisli 


THE   BRITISH    GOVERNMENT.  69 

If  I  have  succeeded  in  showing,  that  representa- 
tion is  essential  to  lawful  rule,  I  shall  take  less  of 
your  time  in  proving,  that  the  practice  of  the  British 
constitution  is,  when  weighed  in  this  balance,  found 
wanting. 

lawyer  in  the  reign  of  Edward  I.  says,  **  A  king  is  created  and 
elected  to  do  justice,  that  the  first  kings  of  England  had  thirty-eight 
companions,  comitcs,  or  counts,  the  first  officers  of  so  many  counties, 
who  collectively  representing  the  whole  kingdom,  were  above  the 
king." 

Chancellor  Fartesciie,  in  a  work  addressed  to  Henry  VI.  describes 
the  kingdom  as  a  body  politic,  of  which  the  king  is  head,  and  the 
public  will  the  heart  or  seat  of  life.  "  The  king  cannot  change?. 
the  laws  of  that  body,  or  v/ithdraw  their  substance  from  them 
against  their  wills.  He  is  ordained  for  the  defence  of  the  laws.  He 
receiveth  power  from  his  people.  Of  their  own  free  will  they  sub- 
mitted to  the  government  of  a  king,  only  to  the  end  that  thej  might 
thereby  maintain  themselves  with  more  safety."  De  Laud.  Reg. 
Cap.  9. 

Salamonius  uses  these  words,  "  The  whole  kingdom  and  people 
are  the  original  supreme  sovereign  power,  by  whose  common  con- 
sent and  authority,  all  lawful  kings  and  kingdoms  were  at  first 
created  and  instituted,  and  from  whom  they  derived  all  their  regal 
jurisdiction."     Sal.  de  Principales,  Lib.  1.  p.  1 — 6. 

Grotius  represents  the  people  as  originally,  sui  juris^  entitled  to 
dispose  of  the  government  as  they  shall  think  meet — "  it  being  a 
thing  in  its  own  nature  not  capable  of  an  occupancy,  nor  seizable 
by  any,  unless  the  people  will  voluntarily  desert  their  own  liberty." 
De  Jure.  bel.  andpac.  I.  3.  c.  15. 

*'  Now  verily,  since  kings  are  constituted  by  the  people,  all  the 
people  are  better  and  greater  than  the  king.  He  who  receiveth  au- 
thority from  another  is  inferior  to  his  author.  In  the  republic,  which 
is  compared  to  a  ship,  the  king  is  the  captain,  the  people  the 
owner.  To  him,  holding  the  helm,  the  people  submit,  when  not- 
withstanding he  ought  to  be  accounted  a  servant.''^  Jiin.  Brut, 
Vindi.  con.ttirran.  quest.  3.  p.  41. 


68  THE   MORAL   CHARACTER  OF 

The  king\  it  is  admitted,  cannot  do  wrong.  He  is 
not  accountable.  He  succeeds  to  the  throne  accord- 
ing to  primogeniture.  Be  he  wise  or  simple ;  good 
or  bad,  by  the  constitution  of  that  country,  which 
has  superior  pretensions  to  good  sense  and  to  morali- 
ty, the  first-born  of  royal  blood  ascends  the  chair  of 
state ;  and  without  the  least  regard  to  capacity  or 
to  character,  he  is  chief  magistrate  and  head  of  the 
church.  This  is  notorious.  Such  a  monarch  cannot 
be  considered  as  the  true  representative  of  the  king- 
dom. The  Lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  have  little 
of  the  principle  stated  above  as  necessary  to  lawful 
rule,  and  the  House  of  Commons  is  far  from  being  a 
true  representation  of  the  people. 

The  population  of  the  united  kingdoms  amounts, 
according  to  the  latest  accounts,  to  about  fifteen  mil- 
lions. Very  few  of  these  are  represented  in  parlia- 
ment. The  whole  of  the  members  returned  to  that 
great  court  of  the  empire,  have  received,  probably, 
less  than  three  hundred  thousand  votes.  These  suf- 
frages are  commonly  bought  and  sold  as  any  other 
article  in  the  market.  The  ministry  can  always  se- 
cure a  large  majority.  The  parliament  is  a  repre- 
sentation of  a  few  powerful  and  opulent  families; 
and  these  only  serve  to  give  the  appearance  of  popu- 
larity to  the  paramount  influence  of  the  monarchy,  as 
employed  by  the  immediate  servants  of  the  crown.* 

*  The  population  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  is  computed  at 
fifteen  millions.  Of  these,  upwards  of  two  are  paupers.  Upwards 
of  one  half  the  remainder  is  of  tlie  female  sex.  And  of  the  males 
of  matur?  year?,  which  cannot  be  computed  as  far  exceedJ4ig  thro* 


THE   BRITISH    60VERNMENT.  09 

2.  The  British  constitution  of  governmtnt,  is  a 
superstitious  combination  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
power. 

The  king  is  head  and  sovereign  of  the  church. 
The  bishops  of  the  church  are  lords  of  the  land,  and 
members  of  the  legislaturCy  and  judges  of  the  law. 
By  order  of  both,  the  tnost  solemn  of  the  ordinances 
of  the  Lord  our  God  is  continually  profaned:  and 
all  this  is  essential  to  the  constitution  of  the  govern- 
ment. These  facts  are  notorious :  and  there  is  not 
upon  the  face  of  the  earth  greater  iniquity. 

The  king  is  head  of  the  church.  "Our  lawyers; 
pronounce,  that  the  king  of  England  unites  in  his 
person  the  dignity  of  chief  magistrate  with  the 
sanctity  of  a  priest ;  and  the  title  of  Sacred  Majesty 
appears  to  have  commenced,  when  he  assumed  the 

millions,  one  out  of  six  is  in  the  pay  of  government.  The  offices 
in  church  and  state,  in  the  army,  the  navy,  and  the  colonies,  are 
filled  by  not  less  that  half  a  million  of  men,  deriving  from  the 
patronage  of  the  crown  not  less  than  one  hundred  millions  of  dol- 
lars a  year.  These  have  friends  and  connexions;  and  there  are 
many  office-hunters  depending  upon  the  patronage  of  the  crown. 
The  evil  is  of  course  enormou?.  Scarcely  will  one  hundred  thou- 
sand independent  electors  he  found  in  the  united  kingdoms.  In 
England  there  are  only,  altogether,  one  hundred  and  sixty  thou- 
sand freeholders.     King''s  Tables. 

"  What  then,"  I  use  the  words  of  a  distinguished  patriot  of  the  re- 
Tolution,  "What  is  the  majority  of  their  parliament,  but  a  flagitious 
combination  of  niinisterii>l  hirelings,  conspired  to  erect  the  Babel 
of  tIes;.otism  upon  the  ruins  of  the  beautiful  fabric  of  law."  Gov. 
Livings  ten. 


70  THE    MORAL   CHARACTER   OF 

function  of  head  of  the  church."*  He,  as  sovereign 
of  the  ecclesiastical  body,  calls  at  pleasure  his  clergy 
together,  and  dissolves  their  meetings  when  they 
have  executed  his  will :  he  fills  up  vacancies  among 
his  bishops  -,  and  he  presents  to  their  livings  and  their 
tithes  over  his  subjects,  the  inferior  clergy,  unless 
the  patronage  be  vested  in  subordinate  hands.  He, 
by  his  pontifical  and  royal  sanction,  confers  the  cha- 
racter of  truth  to  his  own  faithful  subjects  upon  arti- 
cles of  faith,  whatever  they  may  be  in  themselves ;  he 
confers  upon  ceremonies^  however  frivolous,  the  vir- 
tue of  being  significant  and  edifying:  he  constitutes 
a  government^  however  arbitrary,  pure  and  apostoli- 
cal: in  a  word,  he  defends,  he  tolerates,  he  perse- 
cutes, according  to  the  constitution  of  the  establish- 
ment over  which  he  presides  with  papal  magnifi- 
cence. And  yet,  O  my  God  and  my  Redeemer,  to 
such  a  monarchyy  with  all  its  impious  usurpation  of 
the  rights  of  God,  do  any  of  thy  disciples  profess  an 
attachment  ?  Ah !  how  frail  a  thing  is  man ! 

Again,  according  to  the  British  constitution, 
bishops  of  the  church  are,  by  virtue  of  their  office, 
members  of  parliament  and  judges  of  the  law.  They 
are  Lords  spiritual^  occupying  a  seat  in  the  upper 
house  of  legislation ;  and  the  house  of  lords  is  the 
ultimate  tribunal  of  justice.  The  privileges  of  the 
spiritual  lords  exceed  those  of  the  other  peers  of  the 
realm.  They  hold  courts  of  their  own,  of  which 
they  are  the  sole  judges:  they  issue  writs  in  a  pccu- 

■^  I'inkerton. 


THE   BRITISH    GOVERNMENT.  71 

liar  style,  and  in  their  own  name:  they  alone  can 
depute  to  others  their  authority ;  and  the  judges  of 
the  king  cannot  sit  within  the  diocese  of  some  of 
them  without  the  bishop's  permission.*  Such  then, 
is  this  constitution,  that  while  the  king  is  supreme 
head  of  the  church,  the  prelates  of  the  church  are 
an  essential  part  of  the  legislature  and  judiciary  of 
the  empire. 

Is  this  right  ?  Is  this  scriptural  ?  Is  this  agreeable 
to  the  example  of  our  Lord — conformable  to  the 
spirit  of  religion — corresponding  with  apostolical  ex- 
ample ?  And  is  it  thus,  my  hearers,  that  men  would 
exemplify  the  doctrine,  my  kingdom  is  nol  of  this 
world?  I,  as  a  minister  of  Christ,  have  to  reason  with 
you  in  defence  of  the  right  of  making  a  few  political 
remarks ;  and  I  cannot  flatter  myself  that  I  have  suc- 
ceeded with  you  all,  in  procuring  a  patient  hearing : 
and  yet,  those  ministers  of  religion,  who  neglect  the 
paths  of  the  Lord,  and  are  themselves  become  lords 
OF  THE  LAND,  and  of  God's  heritage,  enjoy  your  sym- 
pathy :  to  that  government  you  are  attached,  and,  at 
me,  you  are  displeased  for  examining  its  character. 
Bear  with  me,  brethren;  I  would  not  wound  your  feel- 
ings unnecessarily.  I  even  sympathize  with  you  in 
your  political  obliquities.  Man  is  frail.  Even  Abra- 
ham besought  the  Lord  for  Sodom ;  and  the  Lord  dealt 
tenderly  with  his  servant,  though  he  destroyed  the 
cities  of  the  plain.  I  ask  of  you  but  the  liberty  of 
saying  to  this  part  of  the  system  of  British  power, 
Tekel — Thou  art  found  wanting. 

•   Chamber,  03— r,8.     "RIaoksfone.  !).  I.e.  H. 


72  THE   MORAL   CHARACTER  OF 

If  more  be  necessary  to  justify  me  in  this  applica- 
tion of  the  text,  it  will  be  found  in  the  practic€y  re- 
quired by  the  combined  and  impious  power  of 
church  and  state  over  the  British  empire — the  admi- 
msiraiioii  of  the  sacramental  test. 

What  would  you  think  of  an  ordinance  from  the 
congress  of  the  United  States,  requiring  all  officers 
upon  the  civil  and  military  list,  under  pain  of  dis- 
mission, to  take  the  sacrament  ?  What  would  you  say 
to  a  demand  upon  Presbyterians,  and  Independents, 
and  Baptists,  ^c.  to  forego  their  own  religious  pro- 
fession, and  take  the  communion  from  Episcopal 
hands  ?  What  would  you  say  of  an  act  of  congress  that 
required  the  prostitution  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  to 
the  profane,  and  the  ignorant,  and  the  infidel  ?  What 
would  you  say  of  me,  if  instead  of  thus  addressing 
you,  I  should  be  so  far  disposed  to  make  traffic  of 
my  ministry,  as  to  accept  of  an  appointment  and  an 
equipage,  and  sit  with  the  consecrated  elements  at 
the  door  of  the  capitol,  to  administer  the  body  and 
the  blood  of  the  Lord  to  the  whole  tribe  of  office- 
hunters  who  dance  attendance  in  the  hall  of  power? 
Could  you  approve  of  this?  would  you  tolerate  me  in 
it  ?  would  the  rulers  of  our  land  require  such  a  profa- 
nation ?  would  this  community  bear  it?  would  the 
ministers  of  the  church  submit  to  it?  It  is  practised 
in  England.  It  is  the  law  of  that  land.  It  is  authorized, 
it  is  demanded  by  the  government.  It  is  observed 
by  the  ministers.  This  prostitution  is  the  door  of  ad- 
mission to  power.*     Shall  I  not  visit  for  these  things  ? 

*■  Stat.  25.  Car.  II.  Cap.  2. 


THE  BRITISH   GOVERNMENT.  /O 

saith  the  Lord;  and  shall  not  my  soul  he  avenged  on 
such  a  nation  as  this  ?* 

3.  The  British  government  is  a  branch  of  the  gene- 
ral antichristian  apostacy. 

The  opposition  to  the  great  protest  ant  doctrine  in 
relation  to  antichrist,  which  the  English  commenta- 
tors of  more  recent  date  have  carried  on,  found  its 
only  support  in  the  terror  produced  by  the  French 
revolution.  Mr.  Faber  is,  by  far,  the  most  plausible 
of  those  writers,  who  have  represented  that  nation 
under  the   Emperor  Napoleon,    as   the   last    head 

*  Mr.  John  Newton,  a  minister  of  the  church  of  England, 
preached  a  sermon  on  this  text  in  the  parish  church  of  St.  Mary 
Woolnoth,  Feb.  21,  1781,  in  which  he  spoke  as  follows:  "  The 
Test  and  Corporation  Acts,  which  require  every  person  who  has  a 
post  under  government,  or  a  commission  in  the  army  or  navy,  to 
qualify  himself  for  his  office,  by  receiving  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  would  occasion  no  sin,  if  men  were  generally  influ- 
enced by  the  fear  of  God,  or  even  a  principle  of  integrity.  They 
would  then  rather  decline  places  of  honour  or  profit,  than  accept 
of  them  upon  such  terms.  We  frequently  see  professed  infuld^ 
and  notorious  libertines,  approach  the  hordes  Table  as  a  matter  of 
course^  and  prostitute  the  most  solemn  ordinance  of  Christianity  to 
their  ambition  or  interest.  I  am  afraid  we  have  been  long  guilty 
of  a  contemptuous  profanation  of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ." 
Fol.  V.  pp.  3,  5. 

"  A  ?nan  cannot  be  an  exciseman,  a  custom-house  officer,  a  lieu- 
tenant in  the  army  or  navy,  no,  not  so  much  as  a  tide-waiter,  with- 
out putting  on  the  most  distinguishing  badge  of  Christianity,  ac- 
cording to  the  usage  of  the  church  of  England.  Is  not  this  a  strong 
temptation  to  profanation  and  hypocrisy  ?  Does  it  not  pervert  one 
of  tlie  most  solemn  institutions  of  religion  ?"  NeaVs  TJist.  Ptn\ 
r»l.  IV.  p,  530. 

10 


74  THE   MORAL   CHARACTER   OF 

of  the  great  apostacy ;  and  at  whose  downfal,  by 
the  judgments  of  the  seventh  vial,  the  Millen- 
nium was  to  commence.  This  system  of  interpreta- 
tion is  now  exploded.  The  empire  of  Buonaparte 
is  no  more;  and  yet  the  Millennium  does  not  ap- 
pear. The  manners  of  men  are  as  they  were.  Ig- 
norance still  prevails.  Tyranny  and  superstition 
are  sufficiently  obvious.  The  church  is  in  the  wil- 
derness; and  although  the  Bourbons  are  restored, 
Europe  is  unsettled ;  and  still  antichrist  reigns. 

According  to  the  unanimous  opinion  of  all  the 
protectant  expositors,  not  excepting  the  English 
themselves,  that  coimtry  has  once  been  one  of  the  ten 
horns  of  the  apocalyptical  beast,  influenced  by  Sa- 
tan, the  dragon.*  This  could  not  be  disputed,  be- 
cause the  land  was  geographically  within  the 
bounds  of  the  Latin  Roman  empire  ;  and  the  peo- 
ple had  submitted  to  the  Latin  Roman  religion. 

Some  indeed  allege,  that,  at  the  reformation,  the 
connexion  of  Britain  with  the  beast  was  dissolved; 
but,  the  scripture  prediction  does  not  justify  the  ex- 
pectation that  any  of  the  great  powers  of  Europe 
should  be  severed  from  that  connexion,  for  centuries, 
or  even  any  considerable  time,  before  the  general 
destiuction  of  the  man  of  sin.  The  history  of  that 
country,  the  tyranny  and  superstition  of  Henry 
VIII ;  the  persecutions  carried  on  against  the  saints, 
durinir  the  continuance  of  the  succession  in  the 
Stuart  race? ;  and  the  terrible  bloodshed  caused  by 

*  Kev.  xiii. 


THE    BRITISH    GOVERNMENT.  75 

Charles  II.  and  James,  his  successor  and  brofher, 
both  Popish  tyrants,  completely  set  aside  the  idea 
of  England's  ceasing  to  be  a  horn  of  the  beast,  be- 
fore the  revolution  of  16B8,  under  William  of  Hol- 
land. Nor  does  that  event  itself  justify  the  suppo- 
sition. Much  was  ceitainly  gained  bv  it  to  the 
cause  of  both  religion  and  liberty.  The  tyranny  of 
the  throne,  and  the  persecutions  arising  from  it, 
were  mitigated,  but  not  abolished.  If  protestant 
blood  does  not  flow  as  formerly,  the  saints,  in  that 
country,  the  successors  of  the  martyrs,  still  labour 
under  the  frowns  of  power,  marked  by  ecclesiastical 
aiid  civil  pains  and  disabilities. 

No  country,  it  appears  from  the  prospective  histo- 
ry afforded  in  prophecy,  which  was  once  in  connex- 
ion w  ith  the  beast,  is  to  be  perfectly  separated  from 
the  great  apostacy  until  the  seventh  vial  shall  have 
poured  out  its  plagues.  The  fifth  has  shaken  the  con- 
nexion by  the  partial  reformation  of  several  nations ; 
but  in  no  instance  has  the  connexion  been  complete- 
ly and  permanently  dissolved. 

""  Prophecy  excludes  the  idea,  of  considering  the  Bri- 
tish empire  as  removed  from  the  Latin  Earth:  and, 
the  character  of  its  government,  as  shown  under  the 
preceding  articles,  demonstrates  its  antichristianistn. 
The  English  establishment  is,  itself,  of  a  beastly  na- 
lure.  An  unhallowed  connexion  between  church  and 
state,  in  which  civil  liberty  sutfers,  and  true  religion 
h  prostituted,  can  never  be  reconciled  with  that  li^ 


?6  THE   MORAL   CHARACTER   OF 

berly  wherervith  Christ  has  made  ns  free.  It  is  an  an- 
tichristian  polity.  I  add  to  these  a  third  argument, 
drawn  from  the  consideration  of  recent  events.  The 
present  king  did  take,  as  the  condition  of  the  crown 
of  Corsica,  an  oath  to  support  the  Popish  religion;* 
and  he  is  at  the  head  of  the  establishment  of  the  same 
faith  in  the  province  of  Lower  Canada,  in  connexion 
with  the  church  of  England.  By  his  arms,  by  the 
wealth^of  his  empire,  and  by  the  blood  of  his  sub- 
jects, he  has  proved  the  principal  stay  of  the  anti- 
christian  polity  in  Europe.  The  restoration  of  the 
Bourbons,  of  the  Pope,  and  of  the  Inquisition,  suffi- 
ciently show  that  he  is  in  fact  a  pillar  of  the  great 
throne  of  the  man  of  sin.  The  British  government, 
once  a  branch  of  the  apostacy,  still  within  the 
bounds  of  the  symbolical  earth,  actually  antichris- 
lian  in  its  own  character,  and  now  the  chief  stay  of 
the  beast's  authority,  must  necessarily  be  considered 
as  continuing  to  be  one  of  the  ten  kings  or  horns, 
which  agree  to  give  their  power  to  the  great  cor- 
ruption of  moral  order  in  the  world. 

The  guilt  of  a  nation,  or  an  individual,  is  in  pro- 
portion to  the  privileges  enjoyed,  and  the  actual  im- 
morality. That  country  was  the  most  favoured  of 
the  nations.  None  had  attained  to  so  much  light 
and  reformation.  It  was  once,  although  only  by 
compulsion  on  the  part  of  the  crown  and  the  prelacy, 
in  solemn  league  and  covenant  with  God.     It  ha» 


1794. 


THE   BRITISH    GOVERNMENT.  77 

broken,  like  treacherous  Judali,  and  backsliding  Is- 
rael,  its  covenant ;  it  has  shed,  like  Chaldea,  the  blood 
of  the  martyrs ;  and,  although  persecution  unto 
death  hath  ceased,  this  apostate  nation  still  persists 
in  the  course  of  policy  which  the  persecutor  intro- 
duced— a  course  of  opposition  to  true  religion  and 
regular  ecclesiastical  order.  Ye  are  the  children  of 
them  that  killed  the  prophets.  Fill  ye  up  then  the  mea- 
sure of  your  fathers.^  In  applying  the  sacred  mea- 
sure to  every  branch  of  the  apostacy,  we  cannot  but 
pronounce  it  ivanting, 

4.  7%e  British  government  is  Erastian  in  its  con- 
stitution and  administration. 

The  expression,  Erastian,  is  not  so  well  under- 
stood in  this  country,  where  the  practice  is  happily 
in  a  great  measure  unknown,  as  in  the  European 
world,  where  it  almost  universally  prevails.  Certain 
systems,  both  of  religion  and  of  human  science,  are, 
sometimes,  stamped  with  the  names  of  distinguished 
men,  who  appear  in  their  illustration  and  defence, 
although  the  principles  themselves  may  have  had  a 
very  different  origin.  The  names  of  Calvin  and 
Arminius,  are  attached  to  systems  which  existed  since 
the  introduction  of  Christianity  to  the  fallen  world. 
We  speak  of  the  Newtonian  Philosophy,  of  Galvan- 
ism, &c.  because  the  laws  of  nature,  ancient  as  crea- 
tion itself,  were  illustrated  in  an  able  manner  by  men 
of  such  names.     The  phrase  Erastian  often  occurs 

*  Mattli.  xxiii.  31. 


78  THE    MOftAL    CHARACTER   OF 

3n  the  history  of  British  controversies  about  religion 
and  government. 

Thomas  Eraslvs  was  botli  a  divine  and  physician. 
He  was  learned  and  active,  and  iniiuential  among  the 
distinguished  men  of  that  very  remarkable  age  in 
which  he  lived :  an  age,  which  roused,  by  an  extra- 
ordinary impulse,  the  human  mind  from  the  lethargy 
under  which  it  had  long  laboured — the  era  of  the 
reformation.  Born  in  Baden  of  Switzerland,  in  the 
year  1624,  and  educated  in  Bazil  and  Bologna,  he 
practised  physic  at  the  court  of  the  elector  Palatine, 
and  became  professor  in  the  university  of  Heidel- 
berg. In  his  book  on  Excommunication^  he  deve- 
lopes  those  principles  which  have  since  been  called 
by  his  name.  That  Christ  and  his  apostles  prescrib- 
ed no  forms  of  discipline  for  the  church — that  the 
supreme  ecclesiastical  power  belongs  to  the  civil 
magistrate — that  ministers  are  only  teachers  pos- 
sessed of  the  right  of  public  persuasion — That  to  the 
government  of  the  state  belongs  the  right  of  admit- 
ting members  into  the  church,  and  excluding  them 
from  it — That  the  church  of  Christ  is  a  department 
of  the  civil  commonwealth,  are  the  sentiments  of 
Erastus.  These  have  always  been  the  prevailing 
sentiments  of  the  court  of  Great  Britain,  since  the 
time  of  Henry  VIII.  The  clergy  of  the  church  of 
England,  from  Cranmer  to  Whilgifty^  were  of  Eras- 

•  "  BisJiop  Warhurlcn  inlbrnis  us,  from  lidden  dc  Synulnis,  thai: 
Erastus's  famous  book  dc  cxcommunicatione  was  purcliascd  by  Whit- 
gift,  of  Erastus's  widow  in  Germany,  and  put  by  him  to  the  press  in 
London,  under  fictitious  names  of  both  the  place  and  the  printer." 
Supplemcnlal  Vol.  Warhnrt.  Works,  p.  473. 


THE   BRITISH    GOVERNMEKT.  79 

tian  principles.  Bancroft  was  the  first  to  maintain 
the  divine  right  of  the  episcopacy ;  and  even  since 
his  day,  the  great  body  of  the  English  hierarchy 
view  the  church  "  as  a  mere  creature  of  the  state.'"''" 
Indeed,  the  Puritans  themselves,  both  the  ministers 
and  the  members  of  Parliament,  were  willing  at  first 
to  subscribe,  with  but  little  variation,  to  Erastian  sen- 
timents, although  disposed  to  a  greater  degree  of 
liberty,  in  religion  and  civil  concerns,  than  was 
consistent  with  the  pleasure  of  the  court  and  the 
bishops.f  It  was  not,  until  the  Scottish  commission- 
ers explained,  in  the  Assembly  of  Divines,  the  true 
polity  of  the  church  of  God,  as  a  spiritual  empire, 
having  its  own  officers  and  laws,  under  the  head 
Jesus  Christ,  that  the  English  ministers  fullv  under- 
stood  the  distinction.J  To  the  faithful  labours  of  the 

*  These  are  the  words  oi  Ncal,  in  his  history  of  the  Puritans 
who  also  confirms  the  remarks  I  have  made.    Vol.  I.  p.  510. 

f  This  was  the  substance  of  the  petition  signed  by  seven  hun- 
dred ministers  in  the  year  ]t}41.  The  parliament  were  of  the 
same  mind,  and  claimed  the  power  of  reforming  the  church  as  an 
inherent  right. 

:}:  In  that  venerable  Assembly  of  Divines,  which  compiled  oui 
admirable  Confession  of  Faith  and  other  ecclesiastical  standards,  the 
very  learned  Sclden  had  a  seat.  He,  assisted  by  the  counsel,  and 
the  rabbinical  learning  of  Coleman  and  Lightfoot,  and  supported 
by  the  national  feelings,  and  the  prejudices  or  opinions  of  the  par- 
liament, argued  the  cause  of  Erastia?iism  in  the  grand  debate 
upon  ecclesiastical  order.  The  question  excited  immense  interest  ; 
the  whole  church,  a  great  nation,  awaited  the  result  with  anxiety. 

George  Gillespie,  one  of  the  ministers  of  Edinburgh,  and  a  com- 
missioner to  the  Assembly  from  the  church  of  Scotland,  was  ob- 
served to  be  engaged  occasionally  with  his  pen,  while  Selden  spoke. 
It  was  supposed  he  was  taking  notes  of  the  argument.     He,  too. 


^U  THE   MORAL   CHARACTER  OF 

church  of  Scotland,  the  christian  world  is  indebted, 
under  the  blessing  of  God,  for  the  prevalence  of  a 

"ivas  learned,  and  of  great  reading  ;  but  he  was  young,  pious,  mo- 
dest, and  a  stranger  in  London.  He  had  not  acquired  celebrity. 
Some  of  the  most  grave  and  pious  divines  had  a  previous  opportuni- 
ty of  satisfying  themselves  as  to  his  views  of  divine  truth.  They 
knew  the  sentiments  of  the  church  which  he  represented,  to  be 
anti-eraslian.  They  went  to  his  chair,  and  requested  him  to  speak. 
They  inquired  if  he  had  taken  notes.  He  was  silent.  They  saw 
the  paper  on  which  he  had  written.  The  only  words  upon  it 
were,  give  light,  Lord,  and  direction.  These  were  often  re- 
peated, "  Rise,  George,"  said  a  venerable  friend,  "  Rise  and  de- 
fend your  jninciplcs,  your  country,  your  church,  and  the  kingdom 
of  your  God — Rise  up,  man,  and  df:fend  the  right  of  the  Lord  Je- 
?us  Christ  to  govern,  by  his  own  laws,  the  church  which  he  pur- 
chased with  his  blood.  Mr.  Gillespie  complied.  He  began  by  giv- 
ing a  summary  of  the  argument  of  his  learned  antagonist,  di^stiu- 
guishing  the  several  principles  which  it  involved,  and  then  request- 
ed to  be  corrected  if  he  made  an  unfair  statement.  Selden  replied, 
sf  Mr.  Gillespie  will  refute  these  principles  with  the  same  accura- 
cy with  which  he  has  stated  them,  the  controversy  is  over.  Mr. 
Gillespie  had  in  his  hand  a  two-edged  sword.  He  contended  suc- 
cessfully for  the  prerogatives  of  his  Redeemer's  crown,  and  the  in- 
dependency of  Christ's  kingdom.  He  triumphed.  Mr.  Selden 
himself  observed,  with  astonishment,  "  This  young  man  by  his 
speech  has  swept  away  the  learning  and  labour  of  my  life."  Eras- 
lianism  was  condemned,  and  presbytery  established  by  the  West- 
minster Assembly. 

The  parliament  was  unwilling  to  yield.  There,  Mr.  Selden  had 
also  a  seat.  His  hand  was  seen  in  the  scruples  and  delays  employ- 
ed in  the  House  of  Commons  against  the  establishment  of  the  Pres- 
byterian regimen.  The  Scottish  commissioners  remonstrated.  The 
London  ministers  also  petitioned.  Commissioners  from  parliament 
met  with  a  committee  of  the  Assembly;  but  to  the  exertions  of  Mr. 
Henderson,  another  of  the  S'coifw/i  commissioners;  supported  by  the 
Toice  of  Scotland,  and  the  fear  of  losing  the  co-operation  of  the 
Scottish  army  in  the  war  against  the  royalists,  the  reluctant  ac' 
quiescence  of  the  English  parliament  is  to  be  ascribed. 


THE   BRITISH   GOVERNMENT.  ol 

principle,  now  universally  nnderstood,  and,  in  this 
country,  reduced  to  practice  by  all  ecclesiastical 
bodies — ^that  the  church  is  a  distinct  socittyy  with  an 
organisation  of  its  own.  This  important  doctrine  is 
of  divine  authority.  Its  truth  hath  been  attested  by 
the  blood  of  the  martyrs :  and  the  kingdoms,  which 
oppose  this  part  of  the  faith  delivered  to  the  saints, 
are  guilty  of  rebellion  against  the  King  of  kings,  and 
Lord  of  lords. 

The  Erastianism  of  the  present  British  constitu- 
tion of  government,  will  now  be  made  apparent. 

The  civil  government  makes  the  established 
church,  with  the  king  as  its  supreme  head,  an  essen- 
tial part  of  the  national  polity — It  settles,  by  parlia- 
mentary law,  the  condition  of  ministerial  fellowship — 
It  determines  the  faith  to  be  professed — It  prescribes 
forms  of  prayer  to  be  offered  from  the  pulpit — It 
inflicts  the  severest  censures  of  the  church — and  ex- 
ercises, exclusively,  the  power  of  convoking  the  su- 
perior judicatories.  Head,  for  yourselves,  the  re- 
ferences which  I  make,  and  then  decide  upon  the  ac- 
curacy of  this  statement. 

The  church,  under  the  headship  of  the  reigning 
prince,  whether  male  or  female,  it  matters  not,  is,  in 
fact,  a  department  of  the  state. 

The  British  monarch  has  assumed  all  that  power 
in  his  dominions  "  over  all  persons  and  all  causes, 
whether  civil  or  ecclesiastic,"  which  the  Pope  claini- 

11 


S^  THE   MOUAL   CHARACTER   OF 

ed ;  and  the  parliament  have  secured  by  statute  this 
prerogative  of  the  crown.  Tlie  declaration  of 
George  I.  who  styles  himself  Defender  of  the  Faith, 
and  Supreme  Governor  of  the  Church  in  his  domin- 
ions, proceeding  upon  this  principle,  requires  that 
Ihe  clergy,  before  they  can  settle  any  differences  about 
the  external  polity  of  the  church,  must  first  obtain 
leave  under  his  broad  seal.^ 

It  is  provided  by  the  treaty  of  union  between  Eng- 
land and  Scotland,  that  the  church  of  England,  with 
all  the  civil  power  given  into  the  hands  of  the  prela- 
cy, shall  be  preserved  entire,  and  this  is  declared  to 
be  an  essential  fmdamental  part  of  the  union.  The 
temporal  power  of  the  lords  spiritual,  the  spiritual 
supremacy  of  tlie  monarch,  together  with  the  pros- 
titution of  the  most  distinguishing  badge  of  christian 
profession  in  the  sacramental  test,  prove  beyond  a 
doubt  that  the  church  and  state  are  combined  into 
one  great  corrupt  and  impious  system  of  misrule : 
and  justifies  the  charge  of  Erastianism  against  the 
British  Constitution.  > 

In  the  Act  for  an  union  of  the  two  kingdoms  of 
England  and  Scotland,  provision  is  made  for  render- 
ing the  English  hierarchy  perpetual :  and  the  church 
of  Scotland,  although  in  form  Presbyterian,  has  been 
constrained  to  submit  to  Erastianism,  not  merely  by 
her  members  supporting  the  English  religious  esta- 
blishment ;  but  also,  as  essential  to  their  own.     The 

*  Dec.  George  I.  June  13(h,  1715. 


THE    BRITISH    GOVERNMENT.  83 

Scottish  establishment  is  itself  Erastian,  The  civil 
power  SETTLES  the  condition  of  ministerial  fellowship 
in  the  church.  At  the  revolution,  king  William  ad- 
dressed letters  patent  to  both  the  Presbyterian  and 
Episcopalian  clergy,  determining  the  conditions  up- 
on which  they  must  join  together.  In  the  letter  of 
February  1690,  addressed  to  the  General  Assembly, 
his  Majesty  says  to  the  highest  judicatory  of  the 
church,  "  We  have  thought  good  to  signify  our  plea- 
sure to  7/ou,  that  you  make  no  distinction  of  men, 
otherwise  well  qualified  for  the  ministry,  who  are 
willing  to  join  with  you  in  the  acknowledgment  of, 
and  submission  to  the  government  of  church  and  state, 
as  it  is  by  law  now  established,  though  they  have 
formerly  complied  to  the  introducing  of  episcopa- 
cy ;  and  that  ye  give  them  no  disturbance  upon  that 
head." 

In  the  letter  of  the  1 5th  June  thereafter,  it  is  or- 
dained, "  That  neither  the  Assembly,  nor  any  com- 
mission or  church  meeting,  do  meddle  in  any  process 
or  business  that  may  concern  the  purging  out  of 
episcopal  ministers." 

In  the  letter  of  January  1692,  to  the  Episcopal 
clergy,  the  language  is  equally  dictatorial.  "We 
doubt  not  of  your  applying  to,  and  heartily  meeting 
and  concurring  with  your  brethren,  the  Presbyterian 
ministers,  in  the  terms  which  we  have  been  at  pai.vs 
TO  ADJUST  for  you." 

It  is  provided,  too,  by  act  of  parliament,  "  That 
none  he  admitted  or  continued  ministers,  who  do  not 


S4  THE    MORAL    CHARACTER   OF 

take  the  oaths  thereby  prescribed,  and  observe  uni- 
formity of  woi-ship,  &;c.  as  the  same  are,  or  shall  he 
allowed  by  authority  of  parliament."* 

The  civil  power  determines,  of  its  own  accord,  the 
rule  of  faith  to  be  professed  by  those  ministers  who 
are  thus  admitted  or  continued,  and  for  the  whole 
church  in  which  they  serve.  AVithout  ever  calling 
an  Assembly,  and  without  any  reference  to  former 
ecclesiastical  acts,  the  parliament  read  and  voted  the 
Westminster  Confession  of  Faith  as  the  public  con- 
fession of  both  church  and  nation.f 

The  king  and  parliament,  no  doubt,  with  the  aid 
of  tiie  Lords  spiritual,  have  provided  for  all  the 
clergy  of  the  Presbyterian  establishment,  the  form 
of  prayer  to  be  used  for  the  king  and  the  royal 
family ;  and  it  must  be  used  under  pain  of  exclusion 
from  the  ministry  of  the  chinch. J  Nor  is  this  the 
only  case  in  which  the  civil  power  assumes  the  right 
of  deposing  ministers  from  the  pastoral  charge,  how- 
ever well  they  may  be  received  by  their  people,  and 
however  great  the  attachment  between  them  and 
their  flocks.  Ministers  who  did  not  appear  before  a 
certain  day  prescribed  by  the  act,\i  "  are  hereby,  ipso 
facto,  deprived  of  their  respective  kirks  and  sti- 
pends, and  the  same  declared  vacant  without  any 
further  sentence."  Under  a  similar  penalty,  queen 
Anne  enforced  the  oath  of  abjuration.     George  I. 

'^  William  and  Mary,  Par.  1.  Scss.  4.  Act  23.     j  Par.  1690 

I  1695,  Act  23.     1700,  Act  2.  and  1706,  Act  G. 

§  Act  27.  Ses5.  5.  Pari.  I.  WiUiam  am!  Mary. 


THE   BRITISH    GOVERNMEKT.  85 

extended  the  requisition  to  students  on  trial,  to 
schoolmasters,  and  to  all  masters  in  the  universities.*" 
George  II.  required  an  actf  relative  to  a  certain 
Capt.  Porteus,  to  be  read  from  all  the  pulpits  in 
Scotland,  once  on  every  Lord's  day  for  a  whole 
year,  "  and  in  case,"  the  act  of  parliament  says, 
"  such  minister  shall  neglect  to  read  this  act,  he  shall 
for  the  first  offence  be  declared  incapable  of  sitting 
or  voting  in  any  church  judicatory ;  and  for  the  se- 
cond offence,  be  declared  incapable  of  taking,  hold- 
ing, or  enjoying  any  ecclesiastical  benefice." 

The  exercise  of  Erastian  supremacy  extends  to 
the  settlement  of  ministers  in  a  congregation.  It  is 
not  there,  as  in  this  country.  The  people  do  not 
elect  their  own  pastor.  The  appointment  is  vested 
originally  in  the  crown,  although  usually  transferred 
into  a  few  of  the  most  noble  and  wealthy  in  the 
land.  The  patron  gives  the  church  to  his  friend; 
and  if  the  people  make  any  opposition,  a  company 
of  armed  men  induct  the  pastor  into  office.  "The 
Pope,"  said  a  distinguished  lawyer,  "  claimed  the  right 
of  the  patronage  of  every  kirk,  to  which  no  third  party 
could  show  a  special  title ;  but  since  the  reforma- 
tion, the  crown,  as  coming  in  place  of  the  Pope,  is 
considered  as  universal  patron,  where  no  right  of 
patronage  appears  in  a  subject."^ 

I  have  only  further  to  observe,  that  the  king  sum- 
mons at  his  pleasure,  the  supreme  judicatories  of  the 

*  Act  6.  1700.  t  Act  1737. 

t  Erskine's  Prin.  Law.  nf  Scot.  Eook  I,  Tit.  5. 


86  THE    MORAL   CHARACTER   OF 

church ;  adjourns  and  dissolves  them  as  mucli  as  the 
civil  legislature.  In  ordinary  cases,  they  who  com- 
pose the  General  Assembly,  are  sufficiently  obse- 
quious, and  are  of  course  permitted  to  meet  and  de- 
part at  a  certain  season  of  the  year  without  compul- 
sion :  but  instances  have  repeatedly  occurred,  when 
the  fact  was  otherwise,  and  the  uniform  tenor  of  the 
commission  under  which  they  meet,  maintains  the 
supremacy  of  the  crown.^ 

I  dismiss  this  disagreeable  subject,  with  a  quota- 
tion from  the  public  records  of  two  respectable  bo- 
dies of  professed  christians  in  the  British  empire. 
From  their  words  you  will  immediately  perceive, 
that  while  I  am  describing  the  Erastianism  of  the 
constitution  of  government,  I  speak  the  language, 
not  of  an  individual,  but  of  churches,  even  in  that 
country. 

I  begin  with  the  judicial  dcclaralion  of  the  seces- 
sion CHURCH. 

"  It  is  peculiarly  incumbent  upon  every  civil  state 
whereunto  Christianity  is  introduced,  to  study  and 
bring  to  pass,  that  civil  government  among  themy  in  all 
the  appurtenances  of  its  constitution  and  administra- 
tion, run  in  an  agrceablcness  to  the  word  of  God ;  be 
subservient  unto  the  spiritual  kingdom  of  Jesus 
Clnist,  and  to  the  interests  of  the  true  religion.  By 
the  good  hand  of  God,  the  estates  of  England y  but 

*  The  style  is,  "  Thua  seeing  by  cur  decree^  an  Assembly  is  to 
meet,  &c.'^ 


THE   BRITISH    GOTERNMENT.  87 

more  especially  of  Scotland,  were  inspired  with  a 
noble  and  predominant  zeal  for  the  house  of  God,  in 
all  its  valuable  institutions:  and  attained  to  a  consi- 
derable pitch  of  civil  reformation  subservient  to  the 
same.  It  is  observable  that  in  Scotland,  the  reforma- 
tion of  the  church  hatli  always,  in  a  beautiful  order, 
preceded  and  introduced  the  reformation  of  the  state.'* 

"  It  was  not  long,  till  this  beautiful  work  was  smo- 
thered, by  the  woful  aposlacy  at,  and  after,  the  re- 
storation of  king  Charles  II." 

"  The  fatal  overthrow  of  the  former  civil  refor- 
mation ;  the  devastation  of  the  house  and  heritage  of 
God ;  the  unparalleled  course  of  perjury,  treachery, 
tyranny,  against  the  King,  cause,  and  subjects  of 
Zion,  and  against  the  liberties  of  mankind ;  are  laid 
open  in  the  act  and  testimony.  It  is  to  be  feared, 
the  guilt  thereof  is  still  lying  upon  the  throne,  the  bo- 
dy jpolitic,  and  all  ranks  in  these  lands." 

"Thus  our  ancient  civil  reformation  has  been 
apostatized  from,  and  grievously  defaced — great 
guilt  and  wrath  from  the  Lord  is  still  lying  and  in- 
creasing upon  the  body  politic.  Moreover,  as  our 
civil  settlement  has  been  thus  corrupted,  so  it  hath 
natively  issued  in  a  course  of  defective  and  corrupt 
administrations.  All  the  legal  securities  given  to 
this  church,  from  1638  to  1650,  were  overlooked ; 
such  were  retained  in  places  of  public  trust,  and  in 
military  office,  as  were  enemies  to  our  reformation, 
and  had  been  deeply  involved  in  the  horrid  defec- 


88  THE    MORAL    CHARACTER    OF 

iion,  persecution f  and  bloodshed  of  the  foriner  period. 
The  power  and  privileges  of  the  church  were  en- 
croached upon,  as  indeed  by  the  act  1592,  according 
to  which  presbytery  was  settled  at  the  revolution, 
the  Assembly  is  deprived  of  power,  where  the  king 
or  his  commissioner  are  present,  to  nominate  and 
appoint  time  and  place  for  their  next  meeting." 

A  very  sinful  and  sad  encroachment  was  made 
upon  the  costly  and  valuable  privileges  of  the  Lord's 
people,  and  a  door  opened  for  the  corruption  of  the 
church,  and  the  ruin  of  soids,  while  the  right  of 
paironagesy  which  had  been  abolished  in  the  year 
1649,  was  again  restored.  This  kingdom  hath  be- 
come subject  to  a  parliament,  whereof  the  bishops 
of  England  are  constituent  members;  and  an  at- 
tempt is  made  to  force  the  members  of  this  church 
unto  an  approbation  of  the  English  hierarchy.  A 
bold  and  fatal  encroachment  was  made,  1737,  upon 
the  headship  of  Zion's  King,  by  that  Erastian  act 
anent  Capt.  .Tohn  Porteus.*"  By  the  above-men- 
tioned apostacy  and  corruption  in  the  settlement  and 
administration  of  the  present  civil  governmenty  the 
measure  of  guilt  upon  the  body  politic,  and  their 

*Thi3  man  commamleil  the  towo-guard  of  Edinburgh.  Piqued 
at  the  populace,  he  ordered  his  men  to  fire  upon  them,  and  killed 
and  wounded  many.  He  was  tried  and  condemned  by  the  civil  au- 
thority, to  sutler  death  as  a  nmrderer.  He  was  a  base  man.  The 
king  reprieved  him.  The  people  took  him  from  prison,  and  gave 
him  a  public  execution.  Every  minister  was  commanded  to  read 
from  the  pulpit,  a  declaration  of  parliament  upon  this  subject,  of- 
fering a  reward  for  a  discovery  of  any  one  concerned  in  the  deed- 
Vot  one  was  €ver  discovered.     Scotland  had  no  informers. 


THE    BRITISH    GOVERNMENT.  89 

Legislators  is  greatly  filled  up."  These  quotations 
are  from  Gibs.  Display  of  the  Sec.  Test.  Vol.  I.  p. 
230 — 289.  They  speak  the  language  of  all  Seceders, 
whether  in  Europe  or  America.  Indeed,  as  to  the 
moral  character  of  the  constitution  of  government  in 
that  country,  there  has  not  been  much  diversity  of 
opinion  among  pious  men  who  understand  it.  All 
admit  its  impiety. 

The  following  quotation  shows  the  light  in  which 
the  Reformed  Presbyterian  Church,  in  the  British  do- 
minions, view  the  national  government. 

"  ^Vhen  Henry  VIII.  of  England,  cast  ofl*  the  au- 
thority of  the  Sec  of  Rome,  he  did,  at  the  same  time, 
assume  to  himself  all  that  power  in  his  dominions, 
which  the  Pope  formerly  claimed ;  and  soon  after- 
w-ards  procured  to  have  himself  acknowledged  and 
declared  by  act  of  parliament,  to  be  head  of  the 
CHURCH.  This  Antichrislian  Supremacy  has  ever 
since  continued' 'an  essential  part  of  the  English  con- 
stitution, and  inherent  right  of  the  crown.  The 
British  monarch  confines  not  his  spiritual  suprema- 
cy to  the  church  of  England,  but  extends  it  also 
over  the  church  of  Scotland,"* 

"  In  the  revolution  of  1688,  the  selllemenl  of  religion 
is  not  a  religious,  but  a  mere  civil  and  poliUcal  one. 
It  appears  quite  inconsistent  with  the  revolution  set- 
tlement, to  consider  church  power  in  any  other  light, 
than  as  subordinate  to  the  power  of  the  state.f  We 
*  Act.  Dec.  and  Test.  1797.  p.  7Q.        f  IcJeni.p.  60—62. 

12 


90  THE    MORAL   CHARACTEK   OF 

liave  the  idolatrous  institutions  of  Prelacy,  establish- 
ed in  the  one  nation ;  and  Erastianism,  under  the 
specious  pretext  of  Presbytery,  in  the  other:  and 
both  under  an  exotic  head  of  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment. As  the  CojislilutionSy  of  both  church  and 
state,  were  Erastian  and  antiscriptural ;  so  their  con- 
duct ever  since  has  been  agreeable  thereto ;  tending 
evidently  to  discover  that,  wliile  the  slate  is  robbing 
our  Redeemer  of  his  crown,  and  his  church  of  her  li- 
berties, the  church,  instead  of  testifying  against, 
gives  consent  to  these  impieties.*  It  would  be  end- 
less to  attempt  an  enumeration  of  all  the  instances  of 
the  exercise  of  Erastianism,  which  is  annually  re- 
newed. How  often,  alas !  have  the  Assemblies  been 
prorogued,  raised,  and  dissolved,  by  magistratical  au- 
thority, and  sometimes  without  nomination  of  ano- 
ther diet !  How  frequently,  also,  have  they  been  re- 
stricted in  their  proceedings,  and  prelimited  as  to 
members,  and  matters  to  be  treated  of  and  discussed 
therein ;  depriving  some  members  of  their  liberty  to 
sit  and  act  as  members,  though  regularly  chosenj 
all  which  exercise  of  Erastian  supremacy  natively 
results  from  the  parliamentary  settlement."! 

6.  If  the  congress  of  the  United  States,  in  the  year 
1776,  were  correct  in  ascribing  cruelty  to  the  poli- 
cy of  the  British  government,  it  is  easy  to  show  the 
continuance  of  the  same  disposition  until  the  present 
dav. 


P.  63.  t  P.  64. 


THE   BRITISH    GOVERNMENT.  91 

I 

In  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  Fathers 
of  American  liberty  assert,  that  "  the  history  of  the 
present  king  of  Great  Britain,  is  a  history  of  repeated 
injuries  and  usurpations.  He  has  plundered  our 
seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt  our  toAvns,  and  de- 
stroyed the  lives  of  our  people.  He  is  at  this  time 
transporting  large  armies  of  foreign  mercenaries,  to 
complete  the  work  of  death,  desolation,  and  tyranny, 
already  begun,  with  circumstances  of  cruelty  and 
perfidy  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages, 
and  totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilised  nation. 
He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens,  taken  captive 
on  the  high  seas,  to  bear  arms  against  their  country, 
to  become  the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  bre- 
thren, or  to  fall  themselves  by  their  hands.  He  has 
excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and  has 
endeavoured  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  fron- 
tiers, the  merciless  Indian  savages,  whose  known  rule 
of  warfare  is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all 
ages,  sexes,  and  conditions."^'' 

England  is  secure  in  her  vast  possessions  in  Asia ; 
and  such  is  the  frame  of  government  for  her  territo- 
ries in  the  East,  as  rarely  to  admit  of  discussion, 
either  in  the  parliament  or  in  her  newspapers. 
Therefore  popular  feeling  is  never  excited  about  the 
operations  of  peace  and  war  in  that  country,  as  it  is 
about  the  several  events  which  come  to  pass  in  the 
kingdoms  of  Europe.  Among  the  princes  of  Hin- 
dostan.  Great  Britain  has  rioted  for  half  a  century, 

"  Dec.  Aru.  Imlepemlfncp. 


92  THE   MORAL    CHARACTER   OF 

with  a  policy  most  cruel  and  perfidious,  without  pro- 
Yoking  discussion,  or  commanding  general  aUention, 
either  in  England  or  America.  Tliere,  under  the 
plausible  plea,  which  tyranny  never  fails  to  employ, 
of  grnntiiig  prolcclion  for  territory  to  the  weaker 
states,  the  British  power  has  effected  more  revolu- 
tions in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  than  have  been 
effected  in  Europe  since  the  troubles  in  France  com- 
menced. The  native  sovereignties  of  India  have 
been  deceived,  divided,  and  conquered :  and  their 
only  recompense  for  the  power  and  the  territory 
which  they  surrendered,  consists  in  the  loss  of  their 
liberty  and  independence. 

The  usurpations,  and  the  rapacity,  and  cruelty  as- 
cribed to  the  late  Emperor  of  France,  are  exceeded  in 
degree  and  permanence  by  the  British  government 
of  India.  In  a  political  point  of  view,  the  miseries 
of  Asia  are  not  immediately  interesting ;  but  in  the 
estimate  of  moral  character,  the  remoteness  from 
us  of  the  scene  of  action,  must  not  prevent  our 
taking  these  enormities  into  the  account.  In  rela- 
tion to  them,  the  most  abject  flatterers  of  British 
greatness  have  no  apology  to  offer.  These  are  not 
defensive  ivars.  I'liey  are  the  offspring  of  the  lust  of 
power  and  of  wealth.  None  of  the  Nabobs  oj  the 
Carnatic  or  of  Oudej  neither  Timiir,  the  hero  of  Pa- 
niput,  nor  Tippoo  Sultan,  nor  the  Great  Mogul,  ever 
threatened  an  invasion  of  the  islands  of  Britain  and 
Ireland.  "  To  interfere  actively  in  the  domestic  af- 
fairs of  all  other  states;  to  regulate  the  succession 
of  their  governors;  to  take  part  in  every  quarrel; 


THE    BRITISH    GOVERNMENT.  93 

to  claim  the  lands  of  one  party  for  assisting  him, 
and  seize  the  lands  of  the  other,  after  beating  him ; 
to  get  allies  by  force,  and  take  care  that  nobody 
shall  rob  them  but  ourselves ;  to  quarter  troops  up- 
on our  neighbours,  and  pay  them  with  our  neigh- 
bours' goods — This  it  is  that  we  call  Roman  policy. 
While  Tippoo  is  despoiled  for  befiiending  the 
French,  and  the  Nisam  is  despoiled  for  befriending 
the  English ;  while  Holkar  is  despoiled  for  beating 
the  Peishna,  and  the  Peishwa  is  despoiled  for  being 
beaten  by  Holkar — Who  is  it  that  is  enriched  by  be- 
friending and  beating  Ihem  all?"*  England — Eng- 
land is  enriched.  This,  and  not  self-defence,  is  the 
cause  of  war  in  the  East  Indies.  War  is  a  judg- 
ment of  heaven  upon  the  nations  that  are  engaged  in 
carrying  it  on.  Britain  is  seldom  or  ever  at  peace 
with  other  nations.  She  must,  as  a  body  politic,  be  a 
heinous  transgressor.  There  is  no  avoiding  the  in- 
ference. God  is  just;  and  all  his  judgments  are 
truth.  Like  ancient  Home,  the  most  criminal  of  na- 
tions, She  holds  the  stakes  for  every  game  that  is 
played  by  the  sword  and  the  cannon,  and  whoever 
loses  or  wins,  she  is  ultimately  the  gainer  by  the 
quarrel.  Providence  will  overrule;  and  they  who 
thrive  by  the  wages  of  iniquity,  must  expect  a  day 
of  retribution. 

England,  I  admit,  enjoys  within  herself  compara- 
tive prosperity.  Her  nobles  are  at  ease  and  in  afflu- 
ence.    Her  merchants  are  opulent  and  prosperous. 

*  EfUn.  Her.  Vol.  \u  p.  4G9. 


04  THE    AlOllAL    CHARACTER   OF 

ller  yeonianry,  allhou^h  buidened  with  taxation, 
are  healthy,  and  industrious,  and  flourishing.  Her 
manufacturers,  though  embarrassed  by  the  American 
war,  are  still  influential  and  wealthy.  The  spirit  of 
liberty  in  England,  and  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  has 
given  Avay  for  a  time  to  the  claims  of  the  crown ; 
and  for  fear  of  foreign  domination,  the  subjecis  sub- 
mit, with  resignation,  to  their  doom.  The  judicia- 
ry, with  the  exception  of  that  of  Ireland,  which  has 
always,  like  a  conquered  province,  been  ruled  with 
a  rod  of  iron,  is  sutficiently  independent  to  admi- 
nister common  justice.  In  Scotland  and  England, 
personal  liberty  u  in  a  great  measure  enjoyed :  and 
yet,  even  in  relation  to  her  domestic  policy,  Brilain 
is  very  cruel. 

In  Ireland,  for  reasons  of  state,  she  persecutes  the 
Catholics.  Jt  is  not  on  account  of  their  religion ; 
for  this  she  has  always  supported  on  the  continent; 
but  for  their  dissent  from  the  English  hierarchy,  that 
the  Irish  are  oppressed.  She  reduces  the  Presbyte- 
rians to  pay  tithes  to  an  indolent,  and  often  an  absent 
and  immoral  priesthood,  whom  they  neither  know 
nor  revere.  In  all  her  dominions,  she  restrains  the 
spirit  of  independence  and  emigration,  not  by  ren- 
dering home  comfortable,  but  by  laws  and  officers, 
who  bind  the  intended  emigrant  as  if  by  right,  to 
the  spot  in  which  he  was  born.  She  authorizes 
bonds  and  captivity,  by  the  pressgang,  that  secret, 
sudden,  and  formidable  engine  of  despotic  power, 
which  seizes  upon  ils  victim  unawares,  and  chains 
him  to  the  wheels  of  the  cannon — A  system  of  op- 


THE   EKITISU    GOVERNRIf-^T.  ^'^ 

pression  and  cruelty,  compared  with  which,  the  Con- 
scription of  Napoleon  was  equitable  and  desirable. 
A  tour  of  hardships,  foreseen,  regulated  by  law, 
equable,  because  extending  equally  to  all  classes,  is 
not  to  be  compared  to  a  sudden  seizure,  partial, 
unexpected,  unprovided  for,  and  without  the  liope  of 
escape.  Regular  occasional  service,  however  hard, 
is  not  to  be  compared  to  slavery  without  redress. 

Cruelty  is  exercised  also  on  the  conscience.  Al- 
though subjects  have  the  contemptible  permission, 
of  living  unmolested,  by  the  king,  while  they  are 
silent  and  submissive ;  yet  the  government  makes  a 
mockery  of  conscience ;  corrupts  the  morals  of  the 
subjects  with  ensnaring  oaths  of  allegiance,  repeated, 
and  repeated ;  and  constrains  them  to  forego  integ- 
rity of  religious  character,  by  partaking  of  the  Sa- 
cramental Test  as  tlie  price  of  admission  to  power. 

There  is  07ie  other  feature  of  Briiish  polici/f  to 
which,  under  this  head,  1  would  direct  your  atten- 
tion. 

The  English  merchants  and  monopolists,  are  men 
of  princely  fortunes.  They,  with  the  lords  of  the 
soil,  and  of  the  political  church  of  the  land,  (for 
such  is  the  church  of  England  as  established  by 
law,)  may  easily  acquire  a  character  for  splendour 
and  munificence.  But  how  is  it  supported  ?  Not  by 
the  islands  of  Great  Britain.  It  is  by  the  policy  of 
that  government  relative  to  its  trade.  The  commer- 
cial monopoly  is  the  stafTof  pride  and  power.     The 


9()  TllK    MORAL    CIJARACTFR    OK 

usurpation  of  the  seas  is  an  art  of  injustice.  It  is  a 
system  of  cruelty  towards  the  weaker  states,  that 
drives  them  from  the  ocean.  It  is  the  cruelty  of  a 
licensed  robber,  that  attacks  the  traveller  upon  the 
highway,  and  prevents  him  from  prosecuting  his 
journey  to  the  market.  This,  this  is  the  cause  of 
war.  Britain  is  rarely  at  peace,  because  she  seeks 
the  destruction  of  her  neighbours'  commerce. 

War  is  an  evil  It  is  a  school  of  vice.  It  is  ^- 
nui'sery  of  debauchery.  By  it,  cities  are  sacked, 
and  countries  laid  waste.  The  dearest  ties  of  kin- 
dred are  unloosed,  fathers  made  childless,  children 
fatherless,  and  wives  converted  into  widows.  You 
see,  brethren,  some  of  its  pernicious  effects  in 
this  city :  and  you  feel  and  lament  the  evil.  You 
hear  of  greater  evils  in  other  parts  of  our  land,  du- 
ring the  short  period  since  war  has  upon  our  part  ex- 
isted. You  deprecate  the  calamity.  You  regret 
the  policy  which  led  to  such  a  state  of  things.  You 
are  tempted  to  call  in  Cjuestion  entirely,  tlie  legili- 
nuacij  of  war.  It  is  not  surprising  you  should. 
\Yhat  more  cruel,  and  less  congenial  with  the  spirit 
of  the  gospel?  But  England  is  scarcely  ever  at 
peace.  Such  scenes  are  essential  to  her  commer- 
cial greatness.  Her  naval  superiority  is  her  glory. 
From  the  Bailie  to  the  Ganges,  she  is  shedding  hu- 
man blood.  And  is  she  then  innocent?  The  ago- 
nies, the  cries,  the  death  of  a  thousand  victims,  on 
the  shores,  on  the  seas,  in  the  cities  of  the  nations, 
are  the  concomitants  of  that  immense  opulence, 
which  the  traveller  admirer  in  Liverpool  ^x\(\  mLon- 


THE   BRITISH   GOVERNMENT.  97 

don.  Twenty  years  of  peace,  in  the  civilized  world, 
would  reduce  Great  Britain  from  her  rank  among 
the  nations.  Allow  the  continental  powers  of  Eu- 
rope a  free  and  fair  commerce ;  allow  to  these 
United  States  the  unrestrained  right  of  carrying 
their  trade  from  sea  to  sea,  and  from  nation  to  na- 
tion; allow  to  all  the  nations  equal  rights,  while 
ploughing  the  deep,  uninterrupted  by  the  men  of  war, 
and  the  glory  of  England,  like  that  of  Tyre,  shall 
sink  to  rise  no  more.  Her  policy  is  in  war;  and 
that  policy  is  crveL 

CONCLUSION. 

That  nation,  the  Government  of  which  we  have 
thus  weighed  in  the  balanceSy  is,  nevertheless,  entitled 
to  our  christian  attention  and  admiration.  There, 
the  sciences  and  the  arts  are  patronized  and  cultiva- 
ted, and  most  liberally  rewarded.  There,  among 
christians  of  every  denomination,  is  the  honourable 
strife,  who  shall  do  most  for  promoting  the  diffusion 
of  revealed  truth  throughout  the  world.  There, 
treasure  is  collected,  and  hands  are  employed,  for 
stretching  over  the  perishing  heathen  the  curtains  of 
Zion.  There,  exists  that  noble  institution,  which  ex- 
ceeds any  thing  that  has  hitherto  been  established  by 
christian  exertions.  The  British  and  Foreign  Bi- 
ble Society — A  river  of  life,  which,  with  its  thou- 
sand  streams,  flows  through  every  kingdom  of  the 
world,  watering,  refreshing,  and  fructifying,  until  the 
wilderness  become  like  Eden,  and  the  desert  like 
?he  garden  of  the  Lord.    There,  in  despite  of  the 

]3 


yy  CUiVCLUSION. 

immoral  itndency  of  the  laws;  in  despite  of  the  pub- 
lic prostitution  of  religion ;  in  despite  of  the  pride, 
and  the  debauchery,  and  the  licentiousness  of  the 
great ;  and  of  the  misery,  the  baseness,  the  wicked- 
ness of  the  rabble,  which  prowl  through  the  street* 
of  the  populous  cities ; — there,  exist  much  patriotism 
and  courage,  a  feeling  of  personal  liberty  and  inde- 
pendence, learning,  and  talent,  and  piety,  and  great 
domestic  order  and  happines'r. 

We  admit  all  this  with  pleasure ;  we  pray  for  the 
prosperity  of  christian  men  and  christian  institutions; 
we  are  anxious  to  hold  them  up  to  others  for  imita- 
tion; we  love  them  sincerely ;  and  we  supplicate  the 
throne  of  grace  for  their  promotion  and  perma- 
nence :  but  we  do  not  admit  them  as  a  justification 
of  the  evils  we  have  pointed  out.  They  increase  in- 
stead of  diminishing  the  guilt  of  the  government. 
It  is  the  art  of  the  writers  of  romance ;  it  is  the 
great  evil  of  the  drama,  to  introduce  a  character 
possessed  of  certain  noble  traits,  that  may  palliate 
and  recommend  vice  and  impiety  ;  and  so  pollute  the 
morals  of  the  unwary.  Wo  to  them  that  call  good 
evil,  and  evil  good;  that  put  bitter  for  sweet,  and 
sweet  for  bitter.  We  distinguish;  we  contrast  the 
good  with  the  bad  :  and  while  we  admit  and  approve 
what  is  righteous  among  the  people  of  those  islands, 
we  bear  our  decided  testimony  against  the  usurpa- 
tion, the  superstition,  the  apostacy,  the  Erastianisn^j, 
and  the  cruelty  of  the  British  system  of  govern- 
ment. 


CONCLUSION.  9.9' 

J  have  now,  my  brethren,  weighed  in  the  balances^ 
the  British  monarchy  and  the  American  republic^ 
They  are  both  found,  in  some  instances,  wanting. 
JBut  the  difference,  in  point  of  immorality,  between 
4hem  is  great.  There  is  scarcely  any  comparison. 
Our  country  has  indeed  transgressed,  and  we  are  at 
this  moment  suffering  the  chastisement  which  we  de- 
serve. The  enemy  is  let  loose  upon  our  borders. 
God  grant  to  us  the  sanctified  use  of  the  blow,  and 
direct  us  to  the  means  proper  for  warding  it  off. 
May  the  God  of  heaven  succeed  our  efforts,  in  the 
field,  on  the  lakes,  on  the  ocean,  and  in  the  councils 
of  negotiation,  for  bringing  the  enemy  to  a  sense  of 
.justice. 

Should  we  suppose  an  intelligent  man  elevated  to 
some  spot  in  space,  above  the  world,  whence,  with- 
out partiality  to  either  of  the  belligerents,  he  could 
take  a  survey  of  both,  and  mark  the  contest  be- 
tween them — He  would,  upon  principles  of  humani- 
ty, wish  success  to  the  most  innocent  in  the  combat. 
Independently  of  the  causes  which  produced  the 
strife,  and  of  the  consequences  which  would  result, 
this  must  certainly  be  the  w'ishes  of  a  philanthropist 
X)n  beholding  the  character  of  the  parties  at  war. 
Did  you  see  a  youth  of  mild  demeanour,  and  of 
known  integrity,  engaged  with  an  experienced  and 
long  practised  boxer,  who  made  a  trade  of  boasting 
and  of  battle,  you  would  instinctively  wish  that  this 
youth  might  escape  unhurt,  or  come  off  victorious. 
The  inference  I  draw  is,  that,  in  the  present  contest, 
between  the  belligerents,  described  in  this  discourse?,, 
humanity  wishes  success  to  our  own  country. 


IQO  CONCLUSION. 

To  the  causes  and  proximate  consequences  of  the 
present  war,  I  intend,  hereafter,  to  turn  your  atten- 
tion. Independently  of  these,  our  acquaintance  with 
the  national  character  of  the  parties,  furnishes  an  ar- 
gument in  support  of  our  hopes. 

There  is  an  eye  above  the  earth,  that  knows  the 
nations,  that  marks  their  conduct,  that  observes  the 
strife.  There  is  a  Man,  elevated  above  the  world, 
with  whom  is  no  respect  of  persons,  who  is  touched 
with  the  feelings  of  our  infirmities,  and  will  award 
to  men  and  to  empires  their  due.  Christians,  it  is 
your  Redeemer.  Behold  him  on  high,  at  the  right 
hand  of  God,  exalted  above  all  principalities  and 
powers.  He  is  Prince  of  the  kings  of  the  earth. 
He  rules  in  the  battle.  He  directs  the  storm.  He  is 
mindful  of  individuals.  He  will  save  them  that  trust 
in  him.  He  will  bless  and  protect  his  church,  while  the 
nations  are  at  war.  He  invites  you  to  come  under  the 
shadow  of  his  wings.  There  you  shall  have  rest. 
His  voice  of  peace  is  heard,  while  his  hand  controls 
the  battle.  Yes,  brethren,  while  his  Almighty  fin- 
ger writes  upon  the  palace-w  all  this  sentence  against 
the  nations,  Mene,  Mkke,  Tekel,  Upharsin,  to  you 
lie  says.  Come,  my  people,  enter  thou  into  thy  cham- 
hers,  and  shnt  thy  doors  abont  thee :  hide  thyself  as  it 
were  for  a  little  moment,  until  the  indignation  be  over- 
past.   Amen. 


THE  LAWFULNESS  OF  DEFENSIVE  WAB 

•  a'^^<%<s. 

SERMON  III, 
With  good  advice  make  war.     Prov.  xx.  1 8. 

f  V  HEN  the  son  of  Jesse  was  pursued  by  Saul,  the 
king  of  Israel,  among  the  sheep-cotes  of  Engedi,  he 
had  an  opportunity  of  inflicting  personal  vengeance 
upon  his  persecutor,  in  a  cave  to  which  he  had  re- 
tired.    The  temptation  was  strong;  but  David  re- 
sisted it,  waiting  the  time,  appointed  by  the  Lord, 
for  his  own  exaltation  to  the  throne.     He  fortified 
himself,  by  an  ancient  maxim,  in  the  resolution  of 
permitting  the   escape  of  his  enemy ;  and   to   that 
proverbial  saying  he  afterwards  referred  king  Saulp 
who  was  surprised  at  this  remarkable  instance  of  pa--J 
tience  and  magnanimity  upon  the  part  of  a  much  in-, 
jured  man.     "  The  Lord  avenge  me  of  thee :  but  : 
mine  hand  shall  not  be  upon  thee.     As  saith  thepro-*^ 
verb  of  the  ancients^  wickedness  proceedeth  from  the 
wicked :  but  mine  hand  shall  not  be  upon  thee."*  It  • 
appears  from  this  expression,  that,  in  this  early  age, 
David  revered  the  practical  wisdom  and  morality  of 
antiquity,   as  communicated   to   posterity  in    pro- 

']  Sam.  uxiv.  12,  13. 


102  THE    LAWFULNESS    OF 

verbs.  It  becomes  us,  who  believe  in  Ihe  scriptures, 
to  hold  ill  superior  veneration  the  ancient  aphorisms 
of  the  son  of  David.  These  are  not  merely  descrip- 
tive of  the  general  temper  and  morals  of  the  age ; 
but  are  maxims  of  sacred  law  for  the  direction  of 
our  conduct  in  every  situation  of  life.  They  have 
a  higher  autiiority  than  antiquity,  to  recommend 
them.  The  proverbs  of  ^Solomon  are  the  dictates  of 
ihe  Holy  Ghost. 

The  writer  had,  under  the  influence  of  this  spirit, 
the  power  of  giving  peculiar  point  to  the  proverbial 
style ;  and  from  his  works,  as  from  an  abundant  store- 
house, succeeding  ages  have  drawn  their  best  max- 
ims. Desirous  of  employing  his  great  wisdom  for 
the  benefit  of  mankind,  this  enlightened  monarch 
devoted  his  leisure  hours  to  writing  for  their  instruc- 
tion. His  productions  were  numerous  and  compre- 
hensive. Besides  his  three  thousand  proverbs ,  and  his 
one  thousand  and  five  songs,  or  poems;  he  spake 
of  treeSy  from  the  cedar  to  the  hyssop,  of  beasts,  of 
fowls,  of  creeping  things,  and  of  fishes.  His  works 
on  natural  history  are  lost  to  us  for  ever.  Let  us 
not  repine ;  but  with  gratitude  and  submission,  im- 
prove his  doctrinal  and  moral  writings,  for  our  own 
edification. 

In  the  verse,  which  I  have  chosen  for  my  text,  the 
l^ise  man  recommends  caution  and  circumspection. 
Good  counsellors,  while  they  do  not  destroy  the  de- 
cisiveness of  character,  necessary  to  success  on  great 
emergencies,  furnish  the  information  required,  in  or- 


IJEFENSiVE   WAR.  10^ 

der  to  act  with  understanding  and  witli  confidence. 
In  those  disputes  between  nations,  which  must  ulti- 
mately be  settled  by  a  trial  of  arms,  such  adviseri 
are  peculiarly  estimable.  Every  purpose  is  establish- 
ed bi/  counsel:  and  with  good  advice  make  war. 

The  peaceful  son  of  David,  declares  in  this  apho- 
rism, the  dull/  of  waging  war,  and  of  waging  it  only 
with  prudence.  He  did  this  under  divine  inspiration. 
He  spoke  tlie  language  of  good  sense,  of  sound  poli- 
cy, and  of  true  piety.  He  gave  an  advice,  perfectly 
corresponding  with  that  given  afterwards  by  our 
Lord  Jesus  Chiist,  the  Prince  of  peacCy  of  whom  So- 
lomon was  the  type.  Luke  xlv.  >3I.  What  king  go- 
ing to  make  war  against  another  king,  sitieth  not  down 
first,  and  consnlteth,  whether  he  be  able—to  meet  him  ? 
This  mode  of  reasoning,  is  a  New  Testament  con- 
firmation of  the  Old  Testament  doctrine,  with  good 

ADVICE    MAKE    WAR. 

The  plan  of  my  discourse  on  this  text,  I  now  lay 
T)efore  you. 

War  is,  in  certain  casts,  Ian  fid — La  n fid  war  is  de- 
fensive with  a  rational  prospect  of  success — Such  a 
war  ought  to  be  supported. 

These,  my  christian  brethren,  are  very  plain  as- 
sertions. They  are  the  principles  of  my  text.  The 
truth  of  each  proposition  is  so  obvious,  that  there  is, 
indeed,  little  need  of  either  argument  or  proof:  but, 
there  is  no  truth,  however  self-evident,  that  some  one 


10-i  IHE   LAWFCLNESS  OF 

does  not  disf)ute.  Great  talents  have  been  employed, 
in  the  learned  Avorld,  to  prove  that  I  may  reasonably 
doubt  of  my  own  existence.  In  the  christian  world, 
some  ingenuity  has  been  employed,  to  disprove  the 
positions  now  laid  down,  and  of  course  to  prevent 
the  civilized  world  from  acting  upon  them. 

Did  the  arguments,  which  are  used  to  show  that 
war  is  prohibited  in  every  case,  by  the  christian  re- 
ligion, tend  in  fact  to  diminish  the  evil,  I  certainly 
should  never  raise  my  voice  against  them.  Know- 
ing, however,  that  they  are  not  only  untrue,  but  un- 
operative  ;  not  only  unoperative  as  to  the  object 
professed ;  but  mischievous  in  their  consequences, 
by  fostering  the  evil  which  they  propose  to  prevent ; 
I  feel  it  my  duty  to  meet  them,  and  refute  them. 
Disputations  more  frequently  engender  strife,  than 
minister  to  the  use  of  edifying.  Calling  in  question 
the  lawfulness  of  war,  in  any  case,  puzzles,  and  di- 
vides the  well-meaning  part  of  the  community ;  but 
has  no  other  influence  upon  the  designing,  than  to 
afford  them  an  opportunity  of  converting  to  their 
own  schemes,  the  existing  contentions  and  preju- 
dices. 

By  producing  distractions  in  the  more  simple,  and 
free,  and  moral  states,  the  unprincipled  and  ambi- 
tious politicians  of  the  nations  are  encouraged  to 
prowl  for  their  prey,  and  deal  in  unceasing  wars.  It 
is  not  by  disputing  the  right  of  enacting  penal  sta- 
tutes, and  inflicting  punishment,  that  domestic  peace 
aad  order  are  secured ;  but  by  instructing  the  com- 


DEFENSIVE    WAR.  iOf* 

iiiunity  in  their  legitimacy  and  utility ;  and  so,  com- 
manding the  whole  force  of  the  nation,  in  support 
of  the  arm  of  authority,  in  executing  speedily,  upon 
the  disturbers  of  their  repose,  the  merited  sentence 
of  the  law.  It  is  in  the  same  way,  and  for  the  same 
reasons,  that  international  equity  and  peace  will  be 
secured  to  the  world.  When  nations  shall  come  to 
understand  the  rights  of  war  and  peace  ;  when  they 
shall  be  prepared  to  judge  of  the  justness  of  com- 
bats ;  when  they  shall  be  disposed,  without  distrac- 
tion, to  yield  their  support  to  equitable  claims ; 
when  they  shall  be  prepared  to  undertake,  and  to 
maintain  lawful  war  against  the  aggressor,  then,  and 
not  till  then,  shall  states  be  allowed  to  enjoy  undis- 
turbed c[uietness,  and  to  rest  in  the  bosom  of  peace. 
Therefore  do  I  now  undertake  an  illustration  of  the 
truths  which  I  have  proposed  from  the  text,  in  the 
order  already  mentioned. 

I.   War  is,  in  cerlain  casts,  lawful. 

The  strife  of  arms,  in  which  man  is  set  against 
man,  and  people  against  people,  is,  in  all  cases,  an 
evil  to  be  deplored.  In  most  instances,  it  is  a  crime 
in  both  the  parties;  and  in  every  instance,  there  is 
on  the  part  of  one  of  them,  injustice  towards  the 
other.  It  is  permitted  of  God,  for  the  correction 
and  punishment  of  transgressions,  and  it  is  to  be  re- 
ferred, for  its  source  among  men,  to  the  corrupt 
passions.  Of  the  works  of  the  jiesh  are  these,  hatred, 
variance,  emulations,  wrath,  strife.    From  whence  come 


106  THE   LAWFULNESS   OF 

ivars  and  fightings  among  you  ?  come  they  not  henct, 
even  of  your  lusts  that  war  in  your  members  ?* 

Far  be  it  from  me,  while  explaining  the  precept 
of  my  God,  "  With  good  advice  make  war,"  to  en- 
courage that  which  is  sinful :  to  cherish  the  malevo- 
lent passions :  or  to  recommend  the  military  life  as 
desirable.  It  is  to  suppress  the  malevolence  of  man, 
to  redress  injuries,  to  promote  righteousness,  that 
the  sovereign  of  the  world  ever  authorized  an  ap- 
peal to  the  sword :  and  it  is  with  the  same  design  I 
vindicate  the  morality  of  what  he  hath  authorized. 
Strange  phraseology,  indeed,  to  be  required  among 
christians,  vindicate  the  moralily  of  what  God  hath 
authorized!  and  yet  it  is  required  in  this  discussion. 

^;  War  is  the  employment  of  force  under  the 
sovereign  authority  of  one  civil  community 
AGAINST  ANY  oTHER.j  That  it  is  lawful  to  use  such 
force,  I  shall  show  from  reason  and  from  scripture, 

1.  The  lawfulness  of  war  is  a  deduction  of  sound 
reasoning^  from  the  circumstances  of  civil  life. 

To  live  in  a  state  of  society  is  both  the  duty  and 
the  privilege  of  man.  It  is  the  Creator  of  the  world, 
who  said,  //  is  not  good  that  man  should  he  alone.    A 

'■^  Gal.  V.  19,  20.  and  James  iv.  1. 
f  In  all  correct  reasoning,  it  is  necessary  to  keep  in  view  the 
weaning  of  the  words  we  employ.    "  War  is  that  state  in  whieb  a 
nation  prosecutes  its  right  by  force."     Valid. 


DEFENSIVE    WAR.  107 

great  part  of  the  active  principles  of  human  nature 
would  remain  unimproved  and  unemployed,  and 
much  of  his  happiness  would  necessarily  be  cut  off, 
were  man  doomed  to  a  perpetual  seclusion  from  so- 
ciety, and  constrained  to  spend  his  life  in  solitude. 
It  is  not,  however,  to  be  expected,  that  a  state  of  so- 
ciety can  exist  on  earth,  during  the  continuance  of 
our  imperfection,  in  which  no  error  in  morals  will 
obtain.  Humanum  est  errare.  Diversities  of  views, 
and  of  inclinations,  and  of  interests,  cannot  fail  to  pro- 
duce discord;  and  the  corrupt  propensities  of  indi- 
viduals require,  for  the  preservation  of  social  order, 
that  the  power  of  suppressing  evils  should  be  placed 
in  the  hands  of  competent  authority.  An  advisory  au- 
ihority,  unless  endowed  with  the  right  of  employing 
force,  would  be  found  a  nullity.  Thus,  as  society  is 
necessary  to  man,  and  government  is  necessary  to 
society,  the  application  of  force  is  essential  to  both : 
and  the  application  of  force  to  the  correction  of  er- 
roneous conduct,  necessarily  implies,  that  civil  so- 
ciety has  the  power  of  property,  liberty,  life,  and 
death,  over  every  member.  Such  is  the  constitution 
of  society.  Such  is  the  will  of  God,  expressed  in 
the  constitution  of  human  nature.  Let  theory  say 
what  it  will,  it  is  a  facty  that  civil  society  has  the 
right  of  taking  away  by  force  the  life  of  any  of  its 
members. 

In  vain  am  I  told,  by  visionary  theorists,  that  man 
has  not  the  right  of  taking  away  his  own  life.  I  know 
it.  The  Lord  giveth  life.  He  only  has  the  right  of 
taking  it  away,  or  of  ordering  another  to  take  it 


JOS  THE   LAWFULNESS   OF 

away.  In  vain  am  I  told,  that  society  has  only  the 
rights  which  individuals  have  surrendered  to  it:  and 
that  of  course  it  has  not  the  right  of  taking  away  my 
life,  seeing  I  could  not  surrender  what  was  not  at 
my  option.  I  did  not  make  myself  a  social  being. 
God  made  me  so.  Society  is  his  creature.  From  him 
it  derives  the  right  of  self-preservation.  Civilians 
and  Divines  behove  to  attend  to  this  fact.  It  is 
Atheism,  however  it  may  be  disguised,  that  supports 
the  contrary  principle.  He  is  a  short-sighted  States- 
man, who,  enamoured  of  the  theories  of  JBcccaria, 
and  Voltaire,  argues  against  the  right  of  capital pu- 
nislnnentSy  in  any  case.  It  is  not  humanity,  but 
foVy,  that  dictates  this  doctrine.  He  is  a  short- 
flighted  Divine,  who  is  seduced  by  the  reasonings  of 
George  i^oo;  and  William  Pciin,  It  is  not  religion; 
but  fanaticism,  that  is  promoted  by  such  arguments. 

I  know,  that  small  societies,  in  the  bosom  of  regu- 
larly organized  nations — I  know,  that  ecclesiastical 
bodies  may  exist,  without  the  application,  upon  their 
own  part,  of  violence  to  any  member ;  but  the  power 
of  force  must  exist  somewhere,  otherwise,  one  unru- 
ly member  might  destroy  any  such  society. 

Laws  are  necessary  to  guard  tlie  rights  of  proper- 
ty ;  but  if  society  have  no  right  to  transfer  so  much 
of  the  debtor's  property,  against  his  will,  into  the 
hands  of  the  creditor,  as  may  satisfy  equity,  laws 
are  a  non-entity :  again,  if  the  debtor  resists  the  offi- 
cers of  the  law,  and  society  has  no  right  to  apply 
force  in  any  case,  the  debtor  escapes  with,  impunity. 


-: DEFENSIVE  WAR.  1Q9 

and  laughs  at  the  law.  Legislation  is  still  a  nullity. 
If  force  may  be  applied  in  any  measure,  short  of  in- 
flicting wounds  and  death ;  if  the  debtor  knows  be- 
forehand, that  no  power  dare  touch  his  life,  he  may 
arm  himself;  he  may  escape  the  law  with  all  its 
other  force ;  and  he  may  lay  under  contribution,  to 
his  cupidifi/f  every  member  of  the  community.  There 
must  in  such  case  be  an  end  to  society.  This  is  ob- 
vious to  every  man.  Each  Ktate  is  of  course  com- 
pelled to  arm,  with  the  sword,  the  civil  magistrate. 
Each  individual  will  say,  though  I  have  no  right  to 
destroy  my  life  1  have  power  to  amputate  a  mem- 
ber for  the  preservation  of  the  body ;  and  each  state 
will  say.  I  have  power  to  cut  off  any  member  for 
the  safety  of  the  whole. 

This  argument  puts  beyond  a  doubt  the  lawfulness 
of  war.  Civil  punishment  is  the  exercise  of  force  upon 
an  enennjy  to  the  community  of  which  he  is  a  member. 
The  lowest  degree  of  punishment,  involves  the  right 
of  taking  the  life  of  the  criminal,  if  resistance  on  his 
part  render  the  application  of  such  force  necessary. 
Most  assuredly  then,  if  the  aggressor  be  of  a  differ- 
ent community,  and  be  authorized  by  such  cominu- 
nity  to  act  as  an  enemy,  the  sovereign  power  of  the 
injured  commonwealth  may  lawfully  resist  even  unto 
blood ;  and  may  apply  the  degree  and  kind  of  foi  ce 
necessary  to  correct  the  evil.  If  the  right  of  waging 
war  be  withheld  from  the  body  politic,  there  is  an 
end  to  the  independence  of  nations,  and  all  society 
is  dissolved. 


110  THE   LAWFULNESS   OP 

Reasoning  upon  these  principles,  I  am  constrained 
to  pronounce  the  contrary  opinions,  by  whatever 
names,  and  from  whatever  motives,  they  are  urged, 
both  unreasonable  and  dangerous.  It  is  the  will  of 
God,  expressed  in  the  constitution  of  society,  that 
nations  have  a  right  to  wage  war :  and  if  it  should 
ever  be  made  manifest,  that  the  Deity,  by  positive 
injunction,  prohibited  the  exercise  of  this  right,  I 
would  indeed  submit  to  his  decision,  and  submit  im- 
plicitly ;  but  I  would  also  infer,  that,  in  making 
such  prohibition,  he,  who  knows  tlie  consequences  of 
his  own  laws,  had  also  ordered  the  dissolution  of  so- 
eiety  itself.  So  far  is  the  revelation  of  his  grace 
from  giving  countenance  to  such  absurdities,  that  1 
am  enabled  thereby  to  support  the  principle  urged 
in  my  text,   With  good  advice  make  war. 

2.  The  larvfulness  of  war  is  evident  from  the  scrip- 
tures. 

In  presenting  the  argument,  drawn  from  the  ex- 
pression of  the  will  of  God,  in  the  sacred  oracles,  in 
favour  of  the  right  of  making  war,  I  do  not  forget  or 
conceal,  that  it  is  principally  contained  in  the  Old 
Testament.  I  also  know,  that  in  the  opinions  of 
many  professors  of  religion,  this  is  a  sufficient  reason 
for  rejecting  the  proof.  As  all,  that  referred  to  a 
Saviour  expected,  but  not  as  yet  manifested  in  the 
fleshy  in  the  Old  Testament  dispensation,  has  been 
superseded  by  the  Redeemer,  in  his  mission,  suffer- 
ings, and  exaltation;    as    all,    who  believe    in  his 


DEFENSIVE   WAR.  ill 

name,  are  not  of  sufficient  discernment,  to  distin- 
guish between  morality  and  mere  ritual  economy ; 
and  as  prejudice  and  convenience  are  fruitful  in  mis- 
apprehension and  misapplication,  it  is  not  wonderful, 
that  some  of  our  brethren  should  be  tempted  to  under- 
value the  principles  of  moral  order  which  are  revealed 
by  the  prophets.  It  is,  nevertheless,  a  matter  of  la- 
mentation, that  such  misunderstanding  should  be  so  ge- 
neral and  injurious.  Very  few  christian  societies  ex- 
ist, who  have  not  erred  on  this  subject.  The  church 
membership  of  our  offspring — the  use  of  our  psalm- 
ody— the  theology  of  civil  polity — the  existence  even 
of  moral  obligation — the  utility  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, have  all,  by  different  sects  of  professed  chris- 
tians, been  called  in  question  on  this  account. 
"There  is  not,"  says  one,*  "  a  revelation  of  a  future 
state  made  to  those  who  lived  before  the  advent  of 
Messiah."  "Where,"  says  another,!  "will  you 
find  in  the  Old  Testament,  the  doctrine  of  faith, 
or  of  imputed  righteousness."  While  the  minds 
of  christians  are  thus  amazed,  and  bewildered,  it 
ought  not  to  surprise  us  that  some  good  men  have 
denied  the  applicability  of  the  argument,  in  support 
of  the  right  of  waging  war,  which  all  admit,  is 
abundantly  to  be  found  in  the  bible.  And  yet,  we 
are  not  permitted  to  give  up  those  great  principles 
of  morality,  which  it  hath  pleased  God  to  reveal,  and 
to  sanction  with  his  own  authority.    It  is  due  to  my 

*  Bishop  Warburton. 
t  Rev.  Mr.  Freeman,  of  Newburgh. 


112  THE   LAWFDLNK&S    Ub 


■  t  jt>. 


hearers,  to  say,  that,  in  referring  for  proof  to  inspired 
men  before  the  incarnation  of  our  Lord,  I  do  it  upon 
this  broad  principle,  that  morality  and  piety  are 

ESSENTIALLY  THE  SAME  IN  EVERY  AGE  OF  THE  WOULD. 

Blan  is  essentially  the  same  through  all  genera- 
tions. God  is  the  same  yesterday,  to-day,  and  for 
ever.  The  image  of  God,  on  the  soul  of  man,  is  at 
all  times  and  places  of  the  same  character.  Precepts, 
the  reason  of  which  is  laid  in  changeable  circum- 
stances, cease  or  change  with  the  occasion;  h\ii prin- 
ciples, founded  upon  permanent  relations^  are  unalter- 
able. Although  men  should  now  pretend  to  more  holi- 
ness than  was  possessed  by  Abraham,  by  David,  by 
Samuel,  by  Elijah,  and  Nehemiah,  this,  however 
great  the  assumption  upon  their  part,  would  not  jus- 
tify their  denial  of  the  right  of  war,  unless  they 
could  at  the  same  time  show,  that  human  nature  is 
not  now  what  it  was,  or  that  God,  the  Lawgiver,  has 
undergone  mutation  both  of  nature  and  of  will.  If 
holiness,  now,  is  the  same  as  ever,  then  is  war  as  law- 
ful as  formerly :  for  that  it  cannot  have  been  for- 
bidden by  him  who  once  authorized  it,  is  evident 
from  the  fact,  that  there  is  no  reason  for  a  change 
of  law,  as  well  as  from  the  necessity  of  its  legitima- 
cy, if  society  be  not  entirely  dissolved.* 

We  now  proceed  to  lay  before  you,  from  both  the 
Old  and  the   New  Testaments,  (for  in  this  case  I 

^^  See  the  preceding  argumeot,  page  109. 


DEFENSIVE    WAR.  113 

make  no  difference  between  them,)  a  summary  view 

of  the  tUgument  in  defence  of  the  ri^ht  of  waging 

\  war.     We  have  in  the  bible,  in  vindication  of  this 

'  maxim.  Approved  fads — Doctrines — Precepts  andre- 

i  proofs — Promises  and  prayers. 

First.  Approved  fads.  The  history  of  Abram, 
of  Moses,  of  Joshua,  of  the  Judges,  of  the  Kings, 
and  tlie  Governors,  affords  such  an  abundance  of  in- 
stances, in  which  war  has  been  waged  by  Divine  ap- 
probation, and  often  at  his  express  command,  that 
there  is  no  need  of  specification.  I  do  not,  therefore, 
take  up  your  time  with  references  and  explications. 

Second.  Scripture  doctrine  inculcates  the  maxim. 
I  take  my  proof  from  the  New  Testament  as  well  as 
from  the  Old.  Rom.  xiii.  3,  4.  ''For  Ruleks  are 
not  A  TEKKOK  to  good  works,  but  to  the  evil.  Wilt  thou 
then  not  be  afraid  of  the  power?  For  he  is  the  mi- 
NI^  PER  OF  God  to  thee  for  good.  But  if  thou  do  that 
which  is  evil,  be  afraid ;  for  he  beareth  not  the 
SWORD  IN  VAIN :  for  he  is  the  minister  of  God,  a  re- 
venger TO  EXECUTE  WRATH  upou  Mm  that  doeth  evil. 

I  never,  in  the  course  of  my  reading,  met  with  so 
perfect  a  description  of  the  nature,  the  duty,  the  pro- 
vince, and  the  design  of  civil  government,  in  so  short 
a  compass,  as  we  find  in  the  first  six  verses  of  this 
chapter.  Without  i  eference  to  any  particular  coun- 
try, but  with  a  perfect  applicability  to  all,  the  apos- 
tle lays  down  the  doctrine  of  civil  sovereignty,  accord- 
ing to   the  christian  law;  and  he   affords  another 

15 


IH  THE   LAWFULNESS   OF 

evidente  of  a  truth,  which  ought  never  to  be  forgot- 
ten, by  those  who  consider  man  in  liis  social  charac- 
ter, that  the  revealed  will  of  God  embraces  the  true 
philosophy  of  government.  Individual  man  derives 
from  God  the  right  of  self-government.  Hence  the 
sacred  origin  of  personal  liberty.  Man,  in  his  col- 
lective capacity,  derives  from  God  the  right  of  go- 
vernment j  hence  the  magistrate  is  his  ordinance — 
He  is  the  minister  of  God.  The  design  of  this  insti- 
tution is  the  good  of  society — He  is  the  minister  of 
God  for  good.  His  province  is  the  protection  of 
virtue,  and  the  suppression  of  evil.  Rulers  are  not 
a  terror  to  good  rvorkSy  hut  to  the  evil.  In  sup- 
pressing evil,  the  national  sovereignty  is  divinely 
armed  with  vengeance — The  minister  of  God  a  re- 
venger to  execute  wrath. 

These  are  not  the  words  of  a  vain  philosopher, 
carelessly  slumbering  over  ideal  plans  of  reform. 
They  are  words  of  truth.  The  idea  of  civil  punish- 
ment which  they  convey,  differs  entirely  from  the  fa- 
natical imaginations  of  deluded  minds,  and  from  the 
pretended  discoveries  of  infidel  humanity.  The 
sword  of  the  sovereign,  is  not  merely  disciplinary  as 
an  instrument  of  reform;  it  is  also  for  vengeance. 
Punishment  is  not  prospective,  but  retrospective.  It 
contemplates  not  so  much  the  capability  of  improve- 
ment, as  the  guilt  of  its  subject.  It  is  the  connex- 
ion established  by  the  moral  Governor  of  the  uni- 
verse between  pain  and  crime.  This  is  punishment ; 
and  he  is  but  a  novice  in  the  science  of  jurispru- 
dence, who  has  the  idea  yet  to  learn. 


DEFENSIVE   WAR.  13  5 

Now  if  the  magistrate  does  not  bear  the  sword  in 
vain,  he  must  use  it.  It  is  put  in  his  hand  not  for  show, 
but  for  execution.  He  is  not  decked  in  military  ha- 
biliments for  mere  parade.  He  puts  on  his  armour,  to 
strike  with  terror  the  enemies  of  his  country.  God 
gives  him  the  right  of  waging  war.  He  is  the  minis' 
ter  of  God,  attending  continually  on  this  very  thing. 
As  a  man,  let  him  be  meek,  peaceful,  and  forgiving. 
Lei  every  man,  in  his  individual  character,  be  hu- 
mane, conciliating,  patient  of  injury,  slow  to  an- 
ger. It  is  the  law  of  Christ.  It  is  strongly  express- 
ed, Matth.v.  39 — 41.  I  say  unto  you,  that  ye  resist  not 
evil ;  hut  whosoever  shall  smite  thee  on  the  right  cheek, 
turn  to  him  the  other  also.  And  if  any  man  nill 
sue  thee  at  the  law,  and  take  away  thy  coat,  let  him 
have  thy  cloak  also.  And  whosoever  shall  compel 
thee  to  go  a  mile,  go  with  him  twain. 

These  precepts  are  not  to  be  understood  literally. 
They  only  inculcate  patience  and  forbearance  upon 
individuals ;  but  if  they  must  be  literally  construed^ 
there  is  an  end  to  industry  and  social  order.  You 
must  leave  your  business,  and  go  with  the  ruffian^ 
without  resistance,  not  only  out  of  your  way,  whither 
he  would  urge,  but  even  twice  as  far.  You  must 
not  take  out  a  defence  at  law  against  injustice  :  you 
must  not  only  allow  a  man  to  take  from  your  door, 
before  your  eyes,  a  part  of  your  property ;  but  also 
give  him  even  more  than  he  desired.  You  must  put 
an  end  to  the  rights  of  property,  and  pronounce  the 
law  itself  unchristian.  You  must  not  only  bear 
with  personal   assault;  but   aho   encourage   it  by 


116  l-HE   LAWFULNESS   OF 

turning  the  other  cheek  to  him  that  smites.     You 
must  in  nowise,  by  no  means  whatever,  by  gentle  or 
TJolent  means,  by  persuasion,  or  by  the  law,  resist   ) 
any  evil  that  befalls  you. 

Who  then  is  so  blind  as  not  to  see  the  absurdity  of 
such  a  construction ?  Who  so  childish  as  to  use  this 
aro^ument  against  the  rights  of  war  ?  We  must  adopt 
a  consistent  plan  of  interpretation  ;  and  recollect- that 
the  Author  of  the  gospel,  while  he,  in  this  passage, 
urges  upon  individuals  a  forgiving  disposition,  lays 
down  in  another  passage,  the  duty  of  the  national 
represfntative,  acting  as  his  minister,  to  exercise 
vengeance  on  the  aggressor.  He  is  a  revenger  to  exe- 
cute wrath*  This  is  the  doctrine  of  .Tesus  Christ  our 
Lord.  It  is  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  comforter  of  our 
souls,  that  makes  the  declaration.  He,  who  sancti- 
fies and  instructs  true  christians,  hereby  declares  that 
war  is  in  certain  cases  lawful. 

I  might  multiply  quotations:  but  T  only  add  in 
this  connexion,   the   words   of  Solomon.     By  wise 

*  EKhKot  etg  tpyvv-  The  word  iK^iKOi  is  derived  from  txhx.ea,  and 
that  Irorii  tK  and  ^ix,>).  It  signifies  an  avenger.  He,  who  says  to 
individuals  in  the  preceding  chap.  Rom.  xii.  1 9,  20.  "  Dearly  be- 
loved, avenge  not  yourselves,  but  rather  give  place  unto  wrath: 
for  it  is  written,  Vengeance  is  mine,  I  will  re[)ay,  saith  the  Lord. 
Therefore,  if  thine  enemy  hunger,  feed  him;  if  he  thirst,  give  him 
drink;"  says,  in  this  case,  of  the  nalional  sovereign,  in  his  official 
capacity,  "  he  is  the  minister  of  God,  an  avenger  to  execute  wrath." 
If  this  distinction  were  kept  in  mind,  there  would  be  no  room  for 
perverting  scripture,  constraining  it  to  speak  against  the  right  ef 
applying  force  for  the  correction  of  injury.  ' 


DEFENSIVE   WAR.  117-^ 

counsel  thou  shall  make  thy  war  ;*  the  words  of  the 
prophet,  relative  to  the  sons  of  Reuben  and  their  aliies, 
Theu  cried  to  God  in  the  battky  and  he  was  entreated 
of  them — there  fell  down  many  slaiiiy  because  the  waK^ 
was  of  God;\  and  the  words  of  Hezekiah,  /  have 
counsel  and  strength  for  war.X 

Third.     Scripture  precepts  and  reproof.     God  hath^ 
commanded  war  in  some  instances  to  be  waged;  and, 
hath  reproved,  in  other  cases,  those  wlio  refused  to .. 
carry  it  on.    It  is  utterly  impossible,  however,  that  a ,, 
holy  God  should  command  that  which  is  in  its  nature?-, 
unholy,    That  which  is  in  itself  indifferent^  he  may  in.^; 
his    sovereignty    command    or    prohibit:    and    the-- 
changeable  circumstances  and  conditions,  in  which, 
we  are  placed,  may  render  alterations  of  divine  law,j 
predicated  upon  mutable  relations,  wise  and  becom- - 
ing".     But  he  never  recommends  malevolence,  iinpe-;^ 
nitence,    or    unbelief.     True,   he   once  commanded 
Abraham  to  offer  his  own  son  Isaac  upon  the  altar; 
but  this  was  as  a  trial  of  faith;  and  he  did  not  per- 
mit him  to  execute  the  deed.     Jehovah  has,  more- 
over, a  right  to  recall  at  pleasure  the  gift  of  life,  and 
to  appoint  the  executioner.     And  he  doth  so,  when 
he  calls  a  nation  to  war,  and  to  kill  the  enemy.     The 
mere  taking  away  of  human  life,  is  in  itself  lawful; 
for  the  equity  or  criminality  of  the   act,   depend^ 
upon  circumstances.     Homicide   is  innocent.     The 
execution  of  the  guilty   is   a   duty.     Murder  is  a 

^  Pror.  sxiv.  6.  t  1  Chron.  v.  20,  21. 

X  Isa.  xxxtI.  5. 


118  THE    LAWFULNESS    OF 

crime.  Those  who  kill  in  a  just  war,  are  acting 
under  divine  authority.  It  is  what  he  commands. 
Psalm  cxlix.  6.  Let  the  high  praises  of  God  be  in  their 
mouthy  and  a  two-edged  sword  in  their  hand;  to  exe- 
cute vengeance  upon  the  heathen^  and  punishments  upon 
the  people  ;  to  hind  their  kings  with  chains,  and  their 
nobles  with  fetters  of  iron. 

The  Lord  reproves  both  cowardice  and  opposition  \o 
equitable  warfare.  That  spirit  of  slavish  cupidity, 
which  degrades  men  or  nations,  and  disposes  them 
to  prefer  ignoble  peace  to  manly  warfare,  as  it  u 
base  and  pusillanimous,  is  also  contemned  by  the 
word  of  God,  which  always  recommends  every  thing 
that  is  truly  great,  magnanimous,  and  good.  Gen. 
xiv,  49.  Issachar  is  a  strong  Ass,  cotiching  down  he-- 
tween  two  burdens:  and  he  saw  that  rest  was  good,  and 
the  land  that  it  was  pleasant ;  and  bowed  his  shoulder 
to  bear,  and  became  a  servant  unto  tribute.  They 
have  grossly  misrepresented  Christianity,  who  have 
described  it  as  a  system  subservient  to  the  ambition 
of  the  feiv,  and  the  reduction  to  servitude,  of  the 
many.  It  administers  reproof  in  a  vehement  tone, 
to  all,  Avho,  when  duty  called,  refuse  to  co-operate  in 
the  maintenance  of  right,  by  war.  .Judges  v.  19 — 23, 
Zebuhm  and  Naphtali,  were  a  people  that  jeoparded 
their  lives  tinto  the  death,  in  the  high  places  of  the  field. 
The  kings  came  and  fought.  Curse  ye  Meroz,  {said 
the  angel  of  the  Lord,)  curse  ye  bitterly  the  inhabi- 
tants thereof;  because  they  came  not  to  the  help  of 
I  he  Lord,  to  the  help  of  the  Lord  against  the  mighty. 


DEFENSIVE    WAR.  119 

I  add,  in  the  fourth  place,  the  scriptures  as- 
sure us,  that  prayers  are  offered  up  for  success  in 
war,  and  that  the  Lord  who  answers  prayers,  vouch- 
safes to  promise  both  a  blessing  and  success. 

I  speak  not,  however,  of  the  prayers,  which  Eras- 
tian  power  prescribes  for  the  ministers  kept  in  the 
pay  of  princes.  I  speak  not  of  petitions  mis- 
chievously granted  or  withheld,  in  order  to  gratify 
the  mere  party  politician.  I  speak  of  the  prayers 
of  the  intelligent  believer;  of  the  single-hearted  chris- 
tian ;  of  him,  who,  iminfluenced  by  sordid  consider- 
ations, pours  out  the  desires  of  his  soul  to  God,  for 
a  righteous  cause,  and  for  success  to  the  means  em- 
ployed to  secure  its  triumph.  To  such  the  Lord 
hath  promised  the  victory,  in  a  legitimate  contest 
with  the  sword.  Lev.  xxvi.  7.  Ye  shall  chase  your 
enemieSy  and  they  shall  fall  before  you  by  the  sword. 
2  Kings  iii.  18,  19.  He  will  deliver  the  Moabites  also 
into  your  hand :  and  ye  shall  smite  every  fenced  city. 
Psalm  xciv.  1,  2.  O  Lord,  to  rvhom  vengeance  belong- 
eth — show  thyself  Lift  up  thyself  thou  Judge  of  the 
earth,  render  a  reward  to  the  proud.  Verses  20,  23. 
Shall  the  throne  of  iniquity  have  fellowship  ivith  thee, 
which  frameth  mischief  by  a  law  1  The  Lord  our 
God  shall  cut  them  off.  Psalm  xliv.  4,  5.  O  Lord, 
command  deliverance — through  thee  we  shall  push  down 
our  enemies. 

I  have  trespassed,  sufficiently,  upon  your  patience, 
in  arguing  a  case  clear  enough,  without  the  aid  of 
special  pleading.    The  objections,  which  are  usually 


l&J  TliK    LAWFOL.MlSS   of 

made  to  tlie  leoitimacy  of  wai',  in  any  cause,  I 
bave  already  anticipated,  so  far  as  they  appeared  to 
ine  to  require  examination.  INo  man  is  more  anx- 
ious than  I  am,  to  hear  that  all  war  hath  ceased 
throughout  the  ends  of  the  earth.  I  ardently  pray 
for  the  time  when  men  shall  learn  its  arts  no  more ; 
but  I  cannot  admit  that  the  relij^ion  of  the  Son  of 
God,  proposes  to  tie  up  the  hands  of  those  who  feel 
its  power,  and  to  reduce  them  into  passive  subjec- 
tion to  him,  who  delights  in  robbery  and  bloodshed. 
I  plead  in  behalf  only,  of 

if.  Defensive   Warfare, 

In  the  application  of  force  to  the  correction  of  in- 
jury, reason  ought  to  guide;  and  if  the  force  to  be 
applied,  is  obviously  inadequate  to  the  object,  it  is 
in  vain  to  make  the  application.  It  is  madness  to  at- 
tempt to  remove  mountains  by  human  agency;  and 
it  is  criminal  to  risk  treasure  and  life,  by  engaging 
in  a  bloody  warfare  without  prospect  of  any  suc- 
cess. In  such  a  case,  although  cause  of  war  exists,  it 
is  better  to  t^ufler  than  to  contend.  Upon  this  prin- 
ciple, those  directions  which  are  given  in  scripture, 
and  which  some  have  mistaken  for  a  prohibition  of 
resistance  in  any  case,  are  to  be  understood.  Upon 
this  ])iinciple  the  martyrs  acted,  taking  joyfulhj  the 
spoiling  of  their  goods,  and  passively  submitting,  un- 
der a  righteous  providence,  to  an  injustice  which 
they  had  no  power  to  control.  They  suffered  with- 
out resistance,  because  resistance  would  have  only 
augmented  the  measure  of  their  pains.    This  was 


DEFENSIVE   WAR.  121 

light.     It  is  what  was  required  of  tlicm   by   tlieir 
God. 

There  is,  indeed,  an  exception,  in  extraordinary 
cases,  to  the  application  of  this  rule.  When  the 
Lord  expressly  enjoins  resistance,  should  it  be  only 
by  a  few  or  even  by  a  single  hand  against  a 
whole  nation,  man  must  of  right  obey;  because, 
however  improbable  success  may  be ;  obedience  to 
lieaven  is  the  first  duty.  He,  too,  who  gives  the 
commandment,  is  himself  able  to  make  obedience 
successful.  This  was  repeatedly  exemplified  in  the 
history  of  Joshua,  the  Judges,  and  the  Kings  of 
Israel.  The  walls  of  Jericho  fell  at  the  blast  of 
the  trumpet.^  Before  Gideon  and  a  company  of 
three  hundred  men,  the  hosts  of  Midian  were  put 
to  flight,!  and  Elijah  the  prophet  successfully 
resisted  the  armed  companies  of  the  king  of  Sama- 
rta.t 

These,  however,  were  extraordinary  events,  and 
do  not  constitute,  in  the  common  proceedings  of 
life,  a  rule  of  conduct  in  undertaking  war.  It  is 
in  those  cases,  in  which  the  issue  of  the  contest 
may  appear  doubtful,  that  prudence  selects  the  op- 
portunity, and  courage  is  displayed  in  turning  it  to 
the  best  advantage.  It  is  manifest,  notwithstanding, 
that  whatever  cause  of  war  exists,  it  ought  not  to 
be  waged  without  a   rational   propect  of   success. 

*  Josh.  vi.  20.  f  Judges  vii.  22. 

I  2  Kings  i.  12. 
16 


122  THE  LAWFULNESS   OF 

This  is  the  command  of  ray  text ;  and  it  is  the 
direction  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  himself.  What 
king  going  to  make  ivar  against  another  king,  sittetk 
not  donmjirsfy  and  consvlteth,  whether  he  be  able  with 
ten  thousand^  to  meet  him  that  cometh  against  him  with 
twenty  thousand  ?  or  elsCy  while  the  other  is  yet  a  great 
way  offy  he  sendeth  an  ambassage,  and  desireth  condi- 
tions of  peace.* 

Having  already  established  the  maxim,  that  war 
is  in  some  cases  lawful,  and  having  now  shown  that 
however  great  and  just  may  be  the  cause  for  waging 
it,  no  nation  should  enter  upon  the  strife  with- 
out a  prospect  of  success,  1  proceed  to  explain  whal 
is  meant  by 

Defensive  War. 

It  is  necessary  to  be  very  particular  in  affixing 
correct  ideas  to  this  expression.  Believing,  as  I  do, 
most  sincerely,  that  no  other  kind  of  warfare  is  jus- 
tifiable, without  an  express  revelation  from  heaven  : 
believing,  that  the  prayers  of  the  saints  ought  not  to 
be  withheld  from  those  who  are  engaged  in  such  a 
contest,  and  ought  not  to  be  offered  in  support  of 
any  other :  knowing  too,  that  agreeable  to  this  rule, 
God  approves  of  exertions  and  accepts  of  prayers, 
I  feel  it  my  duty,  while  addressing  myself  in  Jeho- 
vah's name,  to  the  Lord's  people,  to  define  the  term 
lo  which  so  much  importance  is  attached.  This  is 
the  more  necessary,  because,  while  the  words  are  on 

*  Luke  xiv.  31,32. 


UEFENSIVE  War.  223 

the  lips  of  every  one,  the  expression  itself  is  some- 
what equivocal ;  and  pains  have  been  taken,  in  the 
common  vehicles  of  current  intelligence — in  the  pri- 
vate intercourse  of  social  life — in  the  lialls  of  legis- 
lation— and  even  in  the  pulpits  of  the  churclies,  to 
play  upon  the  terms,  to  increase  their  obscurity, 
and  to  give  to  them  a  meaning  as  erroneous  as  it  is 
injurious,  to  the  interests  of  this  empire. 

The  expression,  defensive  war,  is  somewhat  eqidvo- 
j  «fl/.  I  explain  myself  by  a  reference  to  the  courts  of 
law.  When  I  apply  to  cfc/bzcc  the  term  righteousness, 
J  and  to  offenccy  the  term  iniquity,  I  am  to  be  understood 
as  speaking  upon  moral  principles.  Offensive  war  is 
unjust,  upon  exactly  the  same  grounds,  that  offensive 
or  vexatious  suits  at  law  are  immoral.  Suppose  one 
of  you,  my  hearers,  is  attacked  in  your  reputation, 
your  property,  or  your  person ;  and  perhaps  your  life 
itself  is  in  danger.  You  avail  yourself  of  the  law, 
and  prosecute  the  aggressor,  in  order  to  prevent  the 
threatened  injury,  or  recover  for  the  trespass.  In 
doing  this,  you  act  in  self-defence.  You  do  right. 
But  v;hen  the  suit  is  commenced,  the  offender  be- 
comes instantly,  in  law  pluaseology,  the  defendant, 
and  you  are  the  plaintiff  at  the  bar.  It  by  no  means 
follows,  that  he  who  assumes  the  name  of  defendant 
is  not  guilty.  In  the  case  stated,  he  is  in  fact  the 
aggressor.  What  would  you  then  say  of  a  judge, 
©f  a  counsel,  of  a  jury,  who  Avould  play  upon  the 
terms,  defensive  and  offensive,  and  upon  that  use  of 
a  law  expression,  proclaim  you  in  the  wrong? 


124  THE   LAWFULNESS   OF 

The  trulli  is,  that  in  applying  upon  moral  princi- 
ples, the  epithet  defensivey  you  must  liave  recourse  to 
the  nature  of  the  cause  in  contraversy  ;  and  consi- 
der the  original  aggressor  as  the  offender.  You  are, 
in  for 0  conscieniiiVy  still  the  defendant,  although  he  is, 
uiforo  legis,  called  by  that  name. 

Suppose  a  nation,  resting  in  tlie  bosom  of  peace,  is 
suddenly  attacked  by  another;  and  one  of  its  cities  is 
taken,  fortified,  and  garrisoned  by  the  enemy.  The 
oliended  nation  raises  an  army,  and  in  order  to  re- 
cover its  own  property,  besieges  the  fortifications  of 
the  enemy.  In  this  case,  the  enemy  defends  the  fort 
against  the  assailant.  Perliaps  he  makes  a  very  he- 
roic defence.  But  is  it  this  siege  that  gives  to  the  war 
its  character  of  defensive  and  offensive,  or  is  it  the 
original  injury — the  cause  of  the  contest?  Again, 
suppose  this  city  had  been  thus  taken  by  the  enemy, 
without  any  previous  declaration  of  war ;  and  that 
the  peaceful  nation  could  not  raise  an  army  for  the 
purpose  of  retaking  its  own  territory,  without  a  for- 
mal declaration  of  hostilities.  Such  an  instrument 
appears  before  the  world ;  and  the  enemy  thereafter 
meets  it  with  a  counter  declaration,  saying  you  have 
first  declared  war,  I  am  tlierefore  the  defendant ; 
would  you  believe  him,  and  denominate  tlie  contest, 
upon  his  part  defensive  and  just  /  Supposing  again, 
that  this  peaceful  nation,  unwilling  to  make  its  own 
city  the  scene  of  confusion,  of  carnage,  and  desola- 
tion, should,  instead  of  attempting  directly  to  reco- 
ver it  from  the  enemy,  march  an  army  into  the  ene- 


DEFENSIVE   WAR.  125 

my's  own  territory,  with  design  both  to  make  repri- 
sals, which  he  might  occupy  as  an  equivalent,  and  to 
draw  off  the  forces  of  that  enemy  from  the  position 
which  he  occupied,  thereby  transferring  the  war, 
with  all  its  concomitant  calamities,  into  the  country 
of  the  original  aggressor;  I  ask,  would  this  transfer 
alter  the  moral  character  of  the  contest,  and  afford 
to  the  enemy  a  plea,  that  he  is  the  righteous  de- 
fendant f  These  questions  must,  by  every  man  of 
sense,  be  answered  in  the  negative.  It  follows,  of 
course,  that  a  play  upon  the  words  offensive  and  de- 
fensive, although  it  may  serve  to  confound  and  dis- 
tract the  ignorant,  is  unworthy  of  any  man  of  repu- 
tation, and  entirely  unbecoming  the  statesman  or  the 
christian.  It  also  follows,  that  the  question,  whether 
war  be  on  the  part  of  any  people,  defensive,  or  of- 
fensive, depends  entirely  upon  the  causes  of  its  com- 
mencement or  continuance. 

I  The  character  of  the  ivar  does  not,  in  any  case, 
depend  upon  the  date  of  a  declaration,  or  upon  the 
jylace  in  rvhich  it  is  carried  on. 

1.  It  does  not  depend  upon  the  date  of  the  decla- 
ration of  war,  whether  it  be  offensive  or  defensive. 

If  lawful  cause  of  war  exist,  it  is  right  to  wage 
it ;  and  if  it  be  right  to  wage  it,  surely  it  cannot  be 
wrong  to  proclaim  the  intention,  and  explain  to  the 
civilized  world  the  reasons  for  having  recourse  to 
arms.    Declarations  do  not,  according  to  the  law  of 


110  THE  laavfi;lne?s  Ul' 

nations,  make  the  war,  but  explain  its  causes.*  It' 
one  nation  should  injure  another,  or  march  an  army 
in  order  to  subjugate  an  independent  people,  must 
that  nation,  so  injured,  invaded,  and  threatened,  be 
considered  as  the  offender,  because  the  first  in  de- 
claring war?  No.  It  of  course  follows,  that  the  dale 
of  the  declaration  of  war,  does  nothing  towards  deter- 
mining its  moral  character  as  offensive  or  defensive. 

2.  It  does  not  depend  upon  the  place  of  cotnbat, 
whether  the  war  be,  in  fact,  defensive. 

The  idea  which  1  am  now  to  oppose,  is  of  home 
origin.  The  writers  on  moral  science,  and  the  law 
of  nations,  never  thought  it  a  subject  worthy  of  dis- 
cussion, whether  it  was  lawful  to  carry  the  war  into 
an  enemy's  territory.  Neutral  territory  has  indeed 
been  held  sacred  by  the  sentence  of  public  law ;  but 
it  is  too  childish  to  set  up  a  claim  in  favour  of  the 
aggressor  in  war,  for  the  exemption  of  his  own  pro- 
vinces from  its  calamities.  The  nation  is  one,  how- 
ever numerous  its  members,  and  the  offender  may  be 

*  "  Ut  hellwn  legitimum  sit  indiciionem  belli  non  videri  necessa- 
riamJ'''    C.  V.  Bvnkershock. 

"  The  universal  la^Y  of  nations  acknowledges  uo  general  obliga- 
tion of  making  a  (Icclaralion  of  war  to  the  enemy,  previous  to  a 
commencement  of  hostilities/'  Martens,  BookVlIl.  C  2.  Sec.  4. 

"  As  to  the  time  of  commencing  war,  it  seems  to  be  no  way  con 
trary  to  natural  law,  to  say  it  is  at  any  time  the  injured  parly  pleases, 
after  having  received  an  injury.  The  meaning  of  a  declaration  of 
war  seems  to  be,  to  call  upon  the  injuring  party  to  prevent  it  by  re- 
paration— likewise  (o  manifest  to  all  other  states,  the  justice  of  tho 
CBDse."    WiTHEaspooN-s  Moral  Philosophy,  Lcc.  Xlll.  Sec.  Q.. 


DEFENSIVE   WAR.  127 

stricken  in  the  most  vulnerable  part,  whether  upon 
his  coasts,  in  his  colonies,  or  in  his  capital.  If  the 
cause  of  war  is  sustained,  Great  Britain  never  can 
be  accused  of  injustice  for  the  invasion  o^  Spain  and 
France,  nor  her  allies  on  the  continent,  for  marching 
to  Paris,  The  plea  is  as  absurd  as  it  is  novel,  that 
unoffending  provinces  ought  not  to  be  invaded ;  the 
sailor,  the  soldier,  the  merchant,  and  the  tenant,  are 
personally  considered  equally  inoffensive ;  and  for 
the  same  reason,  none  should  be  troubled  in  the  con- 
test :  the  war  may  be  waged,  but  upon  no  person 
whatever,  except  the  sovereign.  Who  is  so  igno- 
rant as  not  to  know  that  the  sovereign  is  guarded, 
and  unassailable  but  through  his  forces,  and  his 
country?  Who  so  blind  as  not  to  see  that  war  is 
waged  against  the  nation  as  a  body  politic,  and  of 
course,  so  far  as  the  end  of  war  can  be  promoted 
thereby,  against  every  member  of  that  body.  It  is 
not  the  member  attacked,  but  the  nature  of  the  con- 
test; it  is  not  the  place  of  the  battle,  but  the  cause 
in  controversy,  that  determines  the  moral  character 
of  an  existing  war. 

My  definition  of  defensive  war  is.  The  applicaiion 
of  force  hy  one  commonwealth  to  another,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  preventing  or  redressing  actual  injuries  inflict- 
ed or  about  to  he  irtflicted. 

As  to  the  equity  of  the  war,  little  depends  upon  the 
magnitude  of  the  injury.  This  consideration  will  of 
course  determine  its  expediency.  If  the  evil  inflict- 
ed be  small,  there  is  less  excuse,  upon  the  part  of 


5f$  THE    LAWFULNESS   OI' 

the  aggressor,  for  persisting  in  it  at  the  risk  of  an 
appeal  to  arms.  He  is  not  entitled  to  impunity,  on 
account  of  its  being  unimportant,  proTided  it  be  a 
violation  of  right.  It  is  for  the  ofiended  party  to 
judge  of  the  proper  measure  of  his  own  patience 
under  suffering,  and  of  the  time  and  place,  in  which 
it  is  expedient  for  him  to  seek  redress.  Although 
the  injury  be  only  about  to  be  inflicted,  he  may  just- 
ly apply  force  to  prevent  it :  a  declaration  of  war 
previous  to  actual  hostility,  entitles  the  other  to 
commence  hostilites;  and  actions,  which  amount  to 
a  declaration,  give  the  same  right. M»f:'»  o'ffr  'r 

In  such  an  important  inquiry  as  this,  I  wish  you, 
my  brethren,  to  judge  conscientiously  for  yourselves. 
I  shall  lay  before  you,  therefore,  in  confirmation  of 
my  definition,  the  sentiments  of  approved  writers  on 
public  law,  and  moral  philosophy;  and  I  shall  then 
direct  you  to  the  bible,  in  order  to  put  the  question 
at  rest. 

'1.    The  Authority  of  Writers  on  Public  Law, 

These  writers  have  with  one  voice  declared  them- 
selves in  favour  of  the  principles  of  defensive  war 
which  I  have  laid  down.  They  uniformly  represent 
the  lawful  object  of  war  as  threefold;  precaution 
against  injury — resistance  to  its  progress — and  re- 
dress for  what  has  already  been  inflicted.  When  a 
nation  is  threatened  with  evil,  war  is  lawfully  waged 
in  order  to  prevent  it — this  is  precaution.  When  the 
national  rights  are  in  fact  invaded,  they  may  be  de- 


DEFENSIVE   WAR.  12^ 

fended  by  the  sword — this  is  resistance :  and  after  a 
people  have  suffered  injustice,  they  may  declare  war 
to  recover  an  equivalent  to  their  loss — this  is  redress' 
and  all  these  are  considered  as  defensive  war.  The 
rights,  for  the  vindication  of  which  it  is  proper  to 
contend  with  the  sword,  are  capable  of  being  reduced 
under  three  heads — Libekty — Pkopehty — and  Na- 
tional Honour.  War  in  vindication  of  any  of  these 
rights,  is  legitimate  according  to  the  maxims  of  pub- 
lic law.     I  give  you  my  authorities. 

"  There  are  causes  for  which  we  undertake  w^ar  by 
the  conduct  of  nature,  as  in  the  cause  of  defence — 
Because  the  law  of  nature  is  violated,  w  ar  is  under- 
taken. There  is  a  threefold  defence,  ntcessary^ 
profitable,  and  honest;  yet  we  shall  deem  them  all 
necessary.  This  defence  is  necessary,  against  whom 
an  armed  enemy  comes — I  call  that  a  profitahle  de- 
fence, when  we  move  war,  fearing  lest  we  ourselves 
should  be  w^arred  upon — Honest  defence  is  underta- 
ken for  other  men's  sakes ;  to  free  him  to  whom  in- 
jury is  done,  out  of  the  hand  of  the  injurious." 
Al.  Gentilis,  De  jure  belli  et  pacis. 

"War  is  offensive  on  the  part  of  the  sovereign 
who  commits  the  first  act  of  violence.  It  is  defen- 
live  upon  the  part  of  him  who  receives  the  first  act 
of  violence.  Nothing  short  of  the  violation  of  a 
perfect  right,  either  committed^  commuting^  or  with 
which  a  nation  is  threatened  in  future,  can  justify  the 
undertaking  of  a  war:  on  the  other  hand,  euery  such 
nolafioiiy  -when  proved,   and.  when  amicable  meant' 

17 


*30  THE    I-AWFULNES3   OF 

have  been  tried  in  vain,  or  when  it  is  evident  that  it 
would  be  useless  to  try  such  means,  justifies  the  in- 
jured parti/  in  resorting  to  arms''     Martens,  Booh 
VIII,  a  2.  Sec.  2,  3. 

"  The  objects  of  just  war,  are  precaution,  defence, 
or  reparation.  In  a  larger  sense,  every  just  war  is 
A  DEFENSIVE  WAR,  iuasmuch  as  every  just  war  sup- 
poses an  injury  perpetrated,  attempted,  or  feared.'' 
Paley's  3Ioral  Phil.  C.  12. 

"  The  causes  of  commencing  war,  are  the  viola- 
tion OF  ANY  perfect  RKiHT — as  taking  away  the 
properly  of  the  other  state,  or  the  lives  of  its  subjects, 
or  restraining  them  in  their  industry,  or  hindering 
them  in  the  use  of  things  common.  The  preservation 
of  our  property  implies,  that  if  others  take  such 
measures  as  are  not  to  be  accounted  for,  but  upon 
the  supposition  of  an  intention  of  wronging  me,  it  is 
often  easier  and  safer  to  prevent  and  disarm  the  rob- 
ber, than  to  suffer  him  to  commit  the  violence." 
Witherspoon's  31or.  Phil.  Lee.  13, 

I  might  easily  multiply  testimonies,  should  it  be 
deemed  necessary ;  but  I  forbear.  There  is  not  one 
writer  upon  public  law,  who  would  venture  his  re- 
putation befoic  the  world,  by  denying  the  principles 
of  legitimate  war,  which  I  have  stated.  And  it  worst 
of  all  becomes  the  apologists  of  that  nation,  with 
which  this  republic  is  now  at  war,  (a  nation  which  is 
itself  scarcely  ever  at  peace  with  its  neighbours,)  to 
refuse  their  assent  to  the  doctrine  here  laid  down. 


DEFENSIVE   WAR.  13J 

If  it  be  criminal  to  defend  by  the  sword,  the  rights 
which  have  been  mentioned,  no  excuse  whatever  re- 
mains for  the  mistress  of  the  ocean,  as  her  votaries 
denominate  the  empire  of  Great  Britain. 

Addressing  myself  to  christians,  however,  in  the 
name  of  the  Author  of  religion,  I  draw,  from  the 
rule  and  the  instructions  of  my  embassy,  the  most 
conclusive  arguments. 

2.  The  Testimony  of  the  Bible. 

We  refer  you  only  to  three  historical  facts.  They 
have  the  sanction  of  his  authority  who  is  alone  Lord  of 
the  conscience.  They  serve  to  show  that  war  is  law- 
ful when  waged  in  defence  of  lihtrty^  whether  civil 
or  religious — in  defence  of  property — or  in  defence 
of  national  honour  and  independence.^ 

*  In  the  history  oi'  the  sufferings  of  the  Rev.  Alexander  Shields, 
written  by  himself,  an  account  rs  given  of  his  examination  before 
the  privy  council,  and  the  justiciary  of  Scotland,  in  the  rt;ign  of 
James  II.  where  he  argued  the  justness  of  defensive  war.  IMie 
same  doctrine  was  afterwards  vindicated  in  his  dispute  uilh  the 
Bishops,  to  whom  he  was  referred. 

He  maintained  his  principles  with  great  force  and  co[)iousnf53  of 
argument.  1.  From  the  law  of  nature.  2.  From  the  practice  of 
iiations.  3.  From  the  scri|)ture3.  He  under  the  third  head,  par- 
ticularly insists  upon  the  love  of  liberty,  which  christianily  inspire.s 
and  cultivates,  as  exemplified,  1.  In  the  7vars  of  defence  against  ty- 
•ranay,  which  the  saints  waged;  and,   2.  Which  revelation  sunclions. 

I.  He  gives  eight  historical  instances  of  the  practice  of  the  Lord's 
people  in   dtfcnsive  ivar :   viz.  The  Maccabees — The  Eohemians — 
The    Waldenses — The    German    Protestants — The    Holianders— 
The  French  H'j?uenoU — The  Poles — And  llie  Scotihh   Reform- 


132  THE   LAWFULKEbS    OI- 

I.  The  Patriarch  Abraham  waged  war  for  the  re- 
covery of  connexions  taken  captive,  and  of  property 
illegally  seized.  This  is  the  first  instance  of  war- 
fare recorded  in  the  scriptures.  The  narrative  is 
given  by  the  prophet  Moses,  Gen.  xiv.  That  it  is 
an  instance  of  lawful  war,  is  evident,  not  only  from 
the  equity  of  the  cause,  but  also  from  the  character 
of  the  friend  of  God,  Abraham,  the  father  of  the 
faithful ;  from  the  success  given  to  his  enterprise  as 
a  blessing  from  the  Lord  ;  and  from  the  benediction 
passed  upon  him  by  Melchizedek,  who  received,  as 
the  priest  of  the  Most  High  God,  tithes  of  all  that 
he  had  when  he  returned  home  in  triumph.  Verses 
18,  20.  And  Melchizedek  king  of  Salem  brought  forth 
bread  and  wine,  and  he  was  the  priest  of  the  Most 
High    God.     Anel  he  blessed  him,   and  said,  blessed 

ers.     He  proves  licyond  a  doubt,   that  wherever  Irue  religion  pre- 
vailed, there  was  a  spirit  of  resistance  to  despotic  power. 

II.  From  scripture  he  presents  five  conchisive  argument?.  1. 
Approved  Exainpksy  of  winch  he  adduces  fiflecn  from  Abralimn  (o 
Esther  and  Mordccai.  2.  Scripture  reproofs  for  passive  cbetlience 
and  non-resistance,  of  which  he  adduces  two,  Jacob's  prophecy,  and 
(he  song  of  Deborah.  3.  Scripture  promises  to  valour  in  lawful 
war,  of  which  he  enforces  fourteen  instances  taken  from  the  Old 
and  New  Testament.  4.  Scri[i\uTe  precepts  for  resisting  injury  with 
the  sword.  Of  these  he  jtroduces  seven  examples.  5.  Scripture 
prayers  for  war  and  for  victory,  of  which  he  gives  five  couclusive 
instances. 

Thus  did  he  vindicate  the  lawfulnoss  of  resistance,  to  ihe  arbi- 
trary and  Erastian  power,  exercised  by  the  throne  of  Britain  over 
its  own  subjects;  thus  did  Mr.  Shields  defend  the  practice  of  tliose 
Eufliring  christian?,  who  were  attached  to  the  reformation  interest 
in  Scoliand,  and  wiio,  on  account  of  their  love  of  liL,erfy  and 
righteousness,  had  the  name  of  Whiks  first  applied  to  them,  by  the 
idrocatt'3  or  ovbi^rar}'  p'^rvor  in  chtircb  and  in  state. 


DEFENSIVE    WAR.  133 

be  Abram — and  blessed  be  the  Most  High  God  which 
hath  delivered  thine  enemies  into  thy  hand. 

The  origin  of  this  war,  for  undertaking  which  God 
blefesed  Abram,  was  as  follows.  Five  confederated 
princes,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Sodom,  where  Lot 
the  nephew  of  Abram  lived,  had  been  reduced  un- 
der tribute  to  Chedorlaomcr  king  of  Elam,  and  served 
him  twelve  years.  In  the  thirteenth  year  they  rebel- 
led. And  in  the  fourteenth  year  came  Chedorlaomer, 
with  three  other  princes  as  his  allies,  to  crush  the  said 
rebellion.  The  four  allied  monarchs  succeeded  in 
conquering  their  five  confederated  enemies.  Their 
cities  were  plundered  ;  the  citizens  were  taken  cap- 
tive; and  Xo^  was  among  the  number  of  the  prison- 
ers. When  Abram  heard  this,  he  armed  his  three 
hundred  and  eighteen  servants,  and  assisted  by  three 
neighbouring  princes,  Mamre,  Eshcol,  and  Aner,  who 
acted  as  his  auxiliaries,  he  pursued  the  victorious 
foe,  returning  with  his  booty  to  his  ovr^n  land.  The 
distance  they  had  to  go  from  ihe  plains  of  Jordan  to 
Elam  and  Shinar,  to  Chaldea  and  Persia,  was 
great.  Abram  overtook  them,  and  defeated  them  at 
Dan,  but  he  found  it  necessary  to  carry  on  the  pur- 
suit, far  beyond  the  bounds  of  Palestine  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Damascus, 

Here  then,  is  a  war  carried  on,  beyond  the 
limits  of  their  own  territory,  by  Abram  and  his  al- 
lies ;  and  that  for  the  recovery  of  their  friends  who 
were  taken  prisoners,  and  in  order  to  rescue  from 
the  enemy  the  spoils  of  Sodom  and  the  other  citie': 


134  THE    LAWFULNESS    OF 

of  the  plain.  It  was  a  defensive  war,  waged  for  f«- 
dress  of  injury  received — waged  in  behalf  of  liberty, 
and  for  personal  property  captured  by  another  power. 
Abraham's  conscience  was  too  enlightened,  and  tlie 
spirit  of  his  troops  too  courageous,  to  invent  pre- 
tended scruples  about  geographical  boundaries;  their 
sense  of  personal  liberty  was  too  keen  and  honour- 
able, to  think  of  expense  and  danger,  when  their 
friends  and  their  countrymen  were  taken  away  by 
force  from  their  employments  and  their  homes.  It 
remained  for  a  people  of  a  diffierent  spirit  from  that 
which  influenced  the  father  of  the  faithfuly  to  call  in 
C|uestion,  the  legitimacy  of  making  war,  beyond  the 
limits  of  their  own  country,  for  the  purpose  of  reco- 
vering property  unjustly  captured,  and  for  releasing 
their  fellow-citizens  held  in  bondage. 

2.  Gideon,  by  the  command  of  bis  God,  waged  war 
*igainst  Midian,  in  order  to  recover  the  liberties  of 
Israel,  as  well  as  the  enjoyment  of  the  fruits  of  their  in- 
dustry. The  history  is  found  in  .Judges,  Chap.  vi.  and 
viii.  It  appears  that  the  Blidianiles  and  the  Amalck- 
iles  took  possession  of  the  fields  of  Palestine,  and 
banished  from  the  farms  which  they  had  formerly 
cultivated,  the  tenants  of  the  soil.  Those  who  were 
permitted  to  remain  in  their  possessions,  had  to  hide 
their  sheaves  when  reaped,  and  to  thresh  their  corn 
in  secret,  lest  they  should  become  a  prey.  Such  an " 
uncertain  tenure  of  property  was  a  great  vexation. 
Frequent  spoliations  constituted  an  injury  which  re- 
quired an  appeal  to  arms  for  resistance  and  redress. 
The  Lord  God  directed  that  hostilities  be  forthwith 


DEFEXblTE   WAR.  135 

eommenced.  Gideon  obeyed ;  and  he  delivered  his 
country.  The  war  was  undertaken,  principally,  in 
defence  oi property,  for  obtaining  and  enjoying  which 
liberty  is  essentially  necessary.  The  Israelites,  rous- 
ed to  action  by  the  divine  blessing,  and  led  on  to 
battle  by  the  son  of  Joash,  pursued  the  enemy  be- 
yond the  Jordan^  to  the  cities  at  the  head  of  Arnon. 
Regarding  the  cause  in  which  they  were  engaged, 
they  thought  not  of  limiting  their  defence  by  an 
imaginary  line,  until  the  end  for  which  they  took 
up  arms  was  accomplished.  They  had  to  find  and 
fight  an  enemy ;  and  they  had  no  objection  to  meet 
him  on  his  own  territory.  Gideon  went  up  on  the 
east  of  Nohah,  learning  that  Zcha  and  Zalmunna 
were  in  Karkor.  He  put  them  to  flight;  pushed 
the  victory;  overtook  the  two  kings;  made  them 
prisoners,  and  returned  in  triumpli  to  his  own  coun- 
try. 

3.  The  last  instance  to  which  I  shall  refer  you,  is 
s^elected  from  the  history  of  the  son  of  Jesse, 

The  narrative  is  found  in  1  Chron.  xix.  and  in 
2  Sam.  X.  The  case  is  as  follows:  Nahash,  king 
of  the  Ammonites,  had  shown  friendship  to  Da- 
vid before  he  mounted  the  throne  of  Israel ;  and  at 
his  death,  David  sent  ambassadors  to  pay  his  respects 
to  Hanun  his  son  and  successor.  The  young  king, 
influenced  by  the  evil  advice  of  his  courtiers,  insulted 
these  ambassadors,  by  shaving  ofl*  their  beards,  and 
disfiguring  their  garments.  David  heard  of  this,  and 
indignant  at  the  insult,  prohibited  the  return  of  his 


J3ti  'iHt;  LA\vy^JL^'ESS  or- 

servants  to  the  capital,  until  the  reproach  should  be 
wiped  away.  Tarry  at  Jericho  until  your  beards  be 
grown.  The  children  of  Ammon  understood  the 
character  of  the  king  of  Israel  too  well,  to  imagine, 
that  he  >vould  put  up  with  the  indignity  thus  showed 
to  his  crown,  in  the  persons  of  his  public  servants : 
and  they  accordingly  made  immediate  preparation  to 
meet  the  necessary  consequences.  They  saw  that 
they  made  themselves  odious  to  David  j  and  they  called 
iipon  their  numerous  allies  to  come  to  their  as- 
sistance. An  army  is  collected  to  defend  the  land  of 
Moab;  and  they  encamp  before  the  gates  of  their 
own  principal  frontier  city,  Medeba.  In  the  mean 
lime  David  was  neither  idle  nor  terrified.  He  or- 
dered Joah,  at  the  head  of  his  army,  to  march  to  the 
contest.  The  order  was  obeyed.  The  enemy  was 
attacked  in  his  own  country;  and,  before  the  gates 
of  3Iedeba,  the  Syrians  and  Ammonites,  although 
acting  upon  the  defensive,  were  routed  by  the  in- 
vading armies  of  Israel.  The  Syrians  rallied,  being 
reinforced  from  beyond  the  Euphrates.  After  retiring 
to  Helam,  Hadarezer^  their  king,  waited  there,  until 
David  with  the  Israelitish  militia  came  and  gave  him 
battle.  This  second  victory  put  an  end  to  the  Sy- 
rian war.  Joab  continued  his  success  against  the 
Ammonites,  until  having  taken  their  capital,  Rabbah, 
by  storm,  they  also  yielded  to  the  conqueror. 

This  narrative  explains  the  doctrine  of  legitimate 
warfare,  and  confirms,  completely,  what  I  have  al- 
ready said,  in  defining  defensive  war.  Actual  war 
was  first  commenced  by  David,   and  it  was   com- 


DEFENSIVE    WAR.  1^7' 

luenced  too  bieyond  tfie  lirie  of  His  own  terriibrJ^V  It  ' 
was  prosecuted,  moreover,  against  both  the  Am- 
monites and  the  Syrians,  in  their  own  country,  until 
Rahhah  was  totally  demolished,  and  the  Syrians 
forced  to  submit  to  an  Israelitish  garrison  established 
in  Damascus. 

li  is  not  the  time  of  declaring  war,  or  of  making 
the  attack,  nor  is  it  i\\Q  place  in  which  the  war  is  car- 
ried on,  that  determines  its  character.  In  every  in- 
stance, except  in  giving  ihe^  first  offence^  the  Ammon- 
ites in  this  war  acted  upon  the  defensive.  They 
never  left  their  own  country.  They  defended  their 
own  cities  and  their  own  firesides :  but  Israel  came 
upon  them,  fought  them,  and  subdued  them.  Still, 
however,  this  was,  upon  the  part  of  Ammon,  an  of- 
fensive ivaVy  and  on  the  part  of  David,  a  defensive  war. 
The  honour  of  his  crown  was  affected  by  the  indig- 
nity done  to  his  ambassadors;  and  rather  than  be 
constrained  to  make  suitable  atonement,  the  Am- 
monites called  their  allies  to  their  aid,  and  prepared 
for  resistance.  The  king  of  Israel  was  a  man  of 
sense,  a  man  of  spirit,  and  a  man  of  piety.  He  was 
too  much  of  a  soldier,  a  moralist,  and  a  statesman,  to 
say  or  to  think,  after  he  had  first  received  the  inju- 
ry, that  a  war  in  defence  of  the  honour  and  indepen- ' 
dency  of' his  country,  ought  not  to  commence  upon 
bis  part  until  the  enemy  attacked  him  in  his  own  do- 
minions. He  saved  his  own  kingdom,  and  made  the 
provinces  of  the  offender  the  theatre  of  the  contest. 
Under  the  influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  he  prayed 
for  his  armies,  while  besieging  the  cities  of  the  Am- 


f4 

1 


138  THE   LAWFULNESS    Oi' 

raonites,  as  sincerely,  as  acceptably  to  God,  as  if 
petitions  were  ofTered  for  Israel  besieged  by  an  ene- 
my at  the  gates  of  Jerusalem.  It  is  the  cause  of 
war  that  determines  its  morality ;  and  David  did  not 
enter  upon  the  bloody  strife  without  a  cause.  He 
lived  in  a  martial  age.  However  much  disposed  to 
peace  himself,  the  welfare  of  his  people  required  the 
preservation  of  their  independence.  Of  this  there 
was  little  probability  unless  they  were  prepared  for 
vindicating  it  by  the  sword.  Had  he  suffered  the  in- 
sult to  escape  with  impunity,  he  would  have  invited 
another  and  another,  until  the  spirit  of  the  people 
should  be  broken  down,  and  his  own  pusillanimity  be- 
come  a  byword.  He  chose  the  better  part.  He 
waged  war  to  punish  the  insolence  of  Hanwiy  and  to 
vindicate  the  honour  and  preserve  the  independence  of 
his  country.  He  was  approved  of  God.  He  suc- 
ceeded. 

This,  then,  was  lawful  cause  of  war.  Do  you 
doubt  it?  For  what  then  did  David  order  Joab  to 
the  baltle?  Because  the  enemy  were  preparing  to  give 
battle  to  him,  Yery  well.  This,  I  confess,  is  a  good 
reason.  You  admit  this.  You  acknowledge,  then, 
that  if  my  enemy  is  preparing  to  give  me  battle,  I 
may,  without  waiting  for  invasion,  become  myself 
the  invader,  and  carry  the  war,  for  precaution,  into 
his  territory.  You  admit  this.  I  ask  no  more. 
This  is  enough.  Invasion  for  precaution  is  defen- 
sive war.  You  fortify  my  argument.  But  you  do 
not  do  justice  to  the  king  of  Israel.  The  Ammon- 
ites knew  his  character  better  than  you  do.    Why 


DEFENSIVE    WAR.  139 

did  they  call  upon  the  Syrians  to  help  them  ?  Why 
did  they  encamp  before  Medeba  ?  They  knew  they 
were  guilty.  Tliey  knew  they  deserved  punishment. 
They  knew  David  had  magnanimity.  They  knew 
him  better  than  you  appear  to  do.  They  expected 
vengeance  from  the  minister  of  God.  They  pre- 
pared for  resistance.  They  saw  that  they  had  made 
themselves  odious — that  they  stank  before  David.  And 
we  all  know,  that  they  received  adequate  punish- 
ment for  their  offences. 

I  have  done.  I  have  laid  down  the  doctrine  of 
legitimate  warfare,  from  the  writers  on  public  law,* 
and  from  the  word  of  God.     I  have  only  to  add, 

*  M.  de  Vattel  admits  the  legitimacy  of  offensive  war.  But  in 
5iis  definitioa  of  it,  he  means  no  more  than  we,  and  other  writers, 
in  conformity  to  christian  phraseology,  include  under  the  term  de- 
fensive. He  differs  from  us  on  this  subject  only  in  words.  The 
sentiment  is  the  same.  "  We  may  set  down  this  triple  end  as  the 
distinguishing  characteristic  of  a  lawful  war.  1.  To  recover  what 
belongs,  or  is  due  to  us.  2.  To  provide  for  our  future  safety,  by 
punishing  the  aggressor,  or  offender.  3.  To  defend  ourselves  from 
an  injury,  by  repelling  an  unjust  violence.  Tlie  two  first  are  the  ob- 
jects of  aa  offensive,  the  third,  that  of  a  defensive  war.  Camillus, 
when  he  was  going  to  attack  the  Gauls,  concisely  represented  to 
his  soldiers  all  the  causes  which  can  justify  a  war :  omnia  gux  dc- 
fendi,  repetique,  ct  idcisci,fas  est.*''    B.  III.  C.  3. 

Notwithstanding  the  general  accuracy  of  this  distinguished  wri- 
ter, it  appears  to  me  improper  to  call  that  an  offensive  war,  which 
is,  according  to  the  definition,  2.  To  provide  for  our  safety  hy  punish- 
ing the  offender.  Certainly  it  ought  not  be  called  offensive  to  punish 
the  offender.  According  to  the  writer  himself,  however,  this  is 
lawful  war.  The  cause  of  the  contest  determines  its  morality :  and 
Ibis  is  the  principle  which  I  wish  to  establish. 


140  THE   LAWFULNESS   OF 

III.  When  a  nation  is  engaged  in  a  lawful  war,  it 
is  the  duty  of  all  to  afford  it  their  support. 

This  part  of  my  discourse  does  not  require  much 
proof  or  illustration.  Its  truth  will  be  generally  ad- 
mitted. The  usual  way  of  opposing  belligerent 
measures,  is  b)^  calling  in  question  the  necessity,  or 
expediency,  of  having  recourse  to  them ;  and  this 
apology  for  opposition  seems  to  acknowledge,  that  if 
war  is  necessary  and  equitable,  it  ought  to  be  waged 
with  the  undivided  force  of  the  empire.  Under  ab- 
solute governments  there  is  no  examination  of  the 
character  of  any  Avar  necessary  upon  the  part  of  the 
subject :  he  must  obey ;  he  is  forced  to  give  support 
to  the  contest  in  which  his  king  is  embarked.  It  is 
only  in  states,  which  are  in  some  degree  free,  that 
there  is  need  or  use  for  argument ;  because  in  them 
only  is  the  reason  of  the  subject  called  to  exercise. 
It  is  in  a  free  country,  too,  that  the  citizens  should 
best  understand  the  moral  character  of  war,  and 
when  lawful,  bestow  upon  it  their  most  decided  sup- 
port. Such  a  war  is  their  own.  However  diversi- 
fied the  pursuits,  the  interests,  and  the  opinions  of 
the  men  who  constitute  a  free  and  well-regulated 
comjnonwealth,  there  is  no  propriety  in  their  being 
divided  upon  a  question  which  respects  resistance  to 
foreign  aggression.  Subjects  of  local  concern  may 
be  variously  discussed,  and  perfect  unanimity  at  the 
same  time  be  displayed  against  the  common  foe.  It 
may  not  suit  the  taste  of  every  one  to  repair  to  the 
camp,  and  take  an  active  part  even  in  the  most  just 


DEFENSITE   WAR.  Jl^-li 

war :  nor  is  there  any  necessity  for  this.  In  some 
cases  it  would  be  innproper  to  relinquish  other  du- 
ties, and  seize  the  sword  of  defence  itself.  Nay,  it 
is  possible,  that  in  a  just  war,  those  who  conduct  it, 
may  order  what  it  would  be  criminal  to  perform,  and 
may  impose  conditions  of  service  with  which  it 
would  not  be  lawful  to  comply.  These  and  other 
accidental  evils  may  be  examined,  reproved,  resisted, 
and  corrected,  and  yet  the  cause  of  war  sustained, 
and  the  ends  of  the  war  prosecuted,  by  the  whole 
community. 

That  it  is  criminal  not  to  support  a. just  war,  1  ar- 
!gue  in  the  following  manner.     Such  a  course  of  con- 
duct, Promotes  the  injustice  of  the  enemy — Prolongs  the 
war,  with  all  its  concomitant  evils — and  is  Prohibited 
hy  the  Lord. 

1.  It  promotes  the  injustice  of  the  enemy.  Silence, 
signs,  words,  and  actions — whatsoever,  in  its  place, 
tends  to  prevent  exertion  in  obtaining  redress  for  in- 
jury, encourages  the  spirit  which  inflicted  the  inju- 
ry, and  so  promotes  the  claims  of  injustice.  When 
war  is  commenced,  the  contest  is  of  course  for  victo- 
ry. He,  who  desires  that  victory  should  avenge  in- 
jury, and  vindicate  equity,  will  be  at  no  loss  to  say 
to  which  side  his  affections  incline.  Every  man  in  a 
free  state  is  of  some  value.  His  opinions  and  his 
words  have  some  influence.  They  ought  always  to 
be  on  the  side  of  equity :  and  if  our  affections  in- 
cline to  those  who  wage  a  defensive  war,  we  so  far 
promote  the  good  of  human  society.     Never  should 


lit  THE   L.UV FULNESS   OF 

the  christian,  under  any  pretence  whatever,  speak  or 
act  so  as  to  encourage  offence  against  the  rights  of 
society  ;  so  as  to  encourage  the  injustice  of  the  foe, 
or  to  prevent  the  due  execution  of  punishment  upon 
the  aggressor  by  the  forces  employed  by  an  injured 
nation.  Whether  he  engage  in  hostilities  or  not, 
every  part  of  his  deportment,  and  especially  his 
prayers,  should  unequivocally  promote  the  success  of 
the  legitimate  side  of  the  question. 

2.  Those,  who  withhold  their  support  from  the  war 
in  which  their  country  is  engaged,  do  what  tends  to 
prolong  the  evil. 

When  appeal  is  once  made  to  the  law  of  force,  the 
parties,  if  they  do  not  cease  to  reason,  employ  dis- 
cussion only  as  an  auxiliary  to  the  sword.  It  then 
becomes  a  contest  for  victory.  The  aggressor,  influ- 
enced originally  by  principles  of  injustice,  is  not 
likely  to  be  corrected  by  his  own  success.  The  his- 
tory of  nations  affords  no  instance  of  claims,  which 
occasioned  war,  being  relinquished  by  the  offending 
party,  merely  because  the  resistance  of  the  other 
was  feeble.  When  a  people  are  divided,  they  offer 
themselves  an  easy  prey  to  the  aggressor;  and  even, 
if  they  should  untimately  succeed  in  redressing  the 
evil,  their  weakness  and  discord  certainly  prolongs 
the  contest.  A  protracted  warfare,  although  ulti- 
mately successful,  is  a  present  evil ;  and  the  friends 
of  a  speedy  peace  will  always,  in  war,  be  desirous 
to  employ  the  energy  which  alone  can  deserve  and 
secure  a  peace.    With  the  work  of   death   none 


DEFENSIVE   WAR.  14.*J 

should  trifle.  It  is  ruinous — It  is  cruel  to  prolong, 
unnecessarily,  even  a  war  of  defence.  In  so  far  as 
any  member  of  the  community,  in  public  or  in  pri- 
vate, distracts  the  councils,  or  impedes  the  progress 
of  those  who  conduct  the  war,  he  evidently  prolongs 
the  contest,  and  does  what  he  can  to  prevent  the  re- 
turn of  peace.  So  far  the  guilt  of  a  protracted  war- 
fare is  chargeable  upon  him.  It  is,  indeed,  an  evi- 
dence of  the  displeasure  of  the  Deity,  when  a  people, 
instead  of  unanimously  co-operating  for  punishing 
the  aggressor,  are  so  divided  and  enfeebled  as  to 
prolong,  for  years,  a  contest  which  might  be  brought 
to  a  successful  issue,  almost  immediately  after  its 
commencement.  The  man  who  withholds  his  sup- 
port in  such  a  case,  is  the  enemy  of  peace  :  he  loves 
his  party  more  than  he  does  his  country,  more  than 
he  does  honour,  and  justice;  more  even  than  hu- 
manity, or  his  own  interest  connected  with  the  re- 
turn of  peace,  who  strives,  for  the  sake  of  party,  t® 
enfeeble  the  arm  of  authority,  to  withhold  the  ne- 
cessary resources,  and  to  discourage  the  soldier. 

3.  The  Lord  of  the  universe^  who  is  also  the  God 
of  battles,  reproves  those,  who  withhold  from  their 
country  their  support  in  a  lawful  war. 

If  the  terms  upon  which  your  country  offers 
friendship  and  peace  to  the  enemy  be  reciprocal  and 
just,  you  are  wrong  to  discourage  your  country,  and 
so  encourage  the  foe.  If  in  your  conscience  you 
believe  the  terms  offered  to  be  just,  you  are  self-con- 
demned if  you  do  not  support  your  coimtry  in  thft 


144  THE   LAWFULNESS    OF 

contest.  The  immoral  and  irreligious  tendency  of 
war;  its  pains,  its  losses,  and  its  dangers,  proclaim  the 
duty  of  having  done  with  it  as  soon  as  possible.  It 
is  criminal  to  protract  it ;  and  of  course,  it  is  disi* 
pleasing  to  the  Deity  not  to  push  it  vigorously- 
to  an  end. 

He  is  a  God  of  justice  and  of  truth.  He  will  have 
us  to  judge  righteous  judgment.  He  commands  us 
to  love  the  truth  and  the  peace ;  and  to  promote  the 
knowledge  and  the  practice  of  equity.  Therefore 
he  reproves  those  who  do  not  support  an  equitable 
war,  as  the  cause  of  God,  the  Supreme  Judge. 
Judges  V.  23.  Curse  ye  Mtros,  (said  the  angel  of  the 
Lord)  curse  ye  bitterly  the  inhabitants  thereof:  because 
they  came  not  to  the  help  of  the  Lord,  to  the  help  of  the 
Lord  against  the  mighty,  ^ 

The  part  of  Jewish  history,  in  which  this  reproof 
is  found,  asserts  the  sovereignty  of  God,  and  places 
the  female  character  in  a  striking  light.     The  words 
quoted  are  used  in  the  song  of  Deborah,  the  wife  of 
Lapidoth,  who  by  an  extraordinary  providence  was 
raised  up  to  the  rank  and  the  office  of  judge  in  the"^ 
commonwealth  of  Israel.     In    the    song  itself,  wc:* 
have  an  instance  of  female  genius,  under  the   influ-^ 
ence  of  divine  inspiration,  and  glowing  with  poetic  ar-^ 
dour,  patriotism,  and  prowess.     The  prophetess  ap- 
pears, "  giving  breath  to  the  trumpet  of  war,"  rousing 
the  spirit  of  her  slumbering  cotemporaries,  and  di- 
recting "  the  embattled  host"  to  contend   for  the  li- 
berty of  her  much  injured  country,  to  conquer,  and 


DEFENSIVE   WAR.  145 

to  tiiumph.  The  eighty  years  of  peace  and  pros- 
perity, with  which  the  tribes  of  Jacob  had  been  fa- 
voured, after  the  death  of  Eglon  king  of  Moab  their 
persecutor,  had  enervated  that  people,  and  so  occa-'' 
sioned  their  ignoble  submission  to  the  tyrannical 
encroachments  of  J«6m  the  Canaanitish  king.  Twen- 
ty years  did  this  neighbouring  despot  insult  the  Is- 
raelitish  commonwealth,  and  peculiarly  vex  and  op-r 
press  the  tribes  of  Zehulun  and  Naphtali.  Sisera, 
the  captain  of  his  host,  was  one  of  the  most  able  and 
distinguished  warriors  of  the  age,  and  had  at  his  com- 
mand an  armament  well  arranged,  and  consequently 
formidable  to  a  people  who  loved  the  arts  of  peace. 
The  people  of  Israel,  besides,  separated  into  twelve 
distinct  and  independent  principalities,  and  having 
no  standing  army  to  fight  their  battles,  were  not  ea- 
sily brought  to  co-operate  so  as  unanimously  to  pour 
forth  their  militia,  the  only  forces  of  the  nation,  in 
order  lo  chastise  aggression. 

Under  these  circumstances  a  female  appeared  des- 
tined of  the  Lord  to  deliver  her  country  from  de- 
struction, from  insult,  and  from  injury.  Awakened, 
by  present  oppression,  Deborah  relinquished  her 
ease  and  retirement  under  the  palms  of  Mount 
Ephraim,  and  summoned  along  with  her  to  the  field  of 
blood  Barak  the  son  of  Abinoam,  at  the  head  of  ten 
thousand  undisciplined  volunteers,  to  contend  for 
empire  with  veteran  troops  supported  by  nine  hun- 
dred chariots  of  iron.  Barak  was  victorious.  Sisera 
fell.  Israel  was  delivered.  Peace  was  restored. 
Tho^e  M'Jbip^upported  the  war,  <Snd  waged  it  to  a  suc- 

10 


34:0  (joKCLUSiois. 

cessfiil  issue,  are  praised  of  the  Lord ;  and  they  who. 
refused  their  co-operation,  are  placed  by  the  pro- 
phetess under  a  divine  malediction. 

Ephraim,  and  Benjamin,  and  Issachar,  these  tribes 
that  maintained  the  war,  are  commended.  Reuben, 
split  into  factions  by  party  spirit,  occasioned  lamen- 
tations in  Israel — For  the  divisions  of  Reuben  there 
were  great  searchings  of  heart.  Two  of  the  tribes 
were  remarkable  for  their  power  and  patriotism — 
Zebulun  and  Naphtali  were  a  people  who  jeoparded 
their  lives  unto  the  death  in  the  high  places  of  the 
field.  Upon  Meros,  who  entirely  withheld  her  sup- 
port, when  the  cause  of  her  country  prohibited  neu- 
trality— upon  Meroz  fell  the  curse  of  God. 

THE    CONCLUSION 

From  these  premises  is  obvious  to  all  my  hearers. 
When  your  country  is  at  war  in  defence  of  hei 
rights,  it  is  your  duty  to  encourage,  by  all  lawful 
means,  her  exertions  in  the  strife.  It  is  criminal 
to  diminish  her  strength,  or  impede  her  progress.! 
To  tiiis  principle  I  would  call  your  notice  from  the 
pulpit,  while  our  friends  and  our  brethren  front 
the  adjacent  country  are  assembled  around  our  city, 
to  defend  it  from  attack :  while  those  among  our 
fellow-worshippers  in  this  house,  who  are  fit  to  bear 
arms,  are  practising  in  the  field  the  arts  of  defensive 
warfare :  while  all  ranks  and  classes  of  our  fellow- 
citizens  are  employing  their  hands  and  their  money 
in   raising  bulwarks  on  every  assailable  point,   to 


CONCLUSION.  147 

protect  our  homes  and  our  places  of  public  worship, 
lei  us  accompany  them  Avith  our  wishes  and  our 
prayers,  lest  we  become  an  enslaved  people. 

Far  be  it  from  me  to  take  advantage  of  the  gene- 
ral alarm,  to  impel  you  to  a  forgetfulness  of  the 
duties  which  you  owe  to  yourselves,  to  truth,  and 
to  your  country,  relative  to  those  who  have  been 
entrusted,  by  the  suffrages  of  a  free  people,  to  ad- 
minister their  government ;  to  make,  to  apply,  and 
to  execute  the  laws.  Examine,  yes,  examine,  with 
rigorous  impartiality,  their  character  and  their  acts : 
speak  out;  blame  them  when  they  do  wrong:  But 
forget  not  your  country.  Unite  in  her  defence — in 
defence  of  her  injured  rights.  Support  those  who 
wield  the  sword,  and  who  direct  its  application — 
support  them  Avith  the  means  necessary  to  convince 
the  enemy  that,  whatever  may  be  the  doniestic 
strife  for  influence,  for  place,  and  for  pov\er,  in  re- 
gard to  those  w^ho  have  taken  your  friends,  and  your 
fellow-citizens  into  captivity,  who  have  interrupted 
and  despoiled  your  trade  upon  the  ocean,  who  have 
violated  your  neutrality,  and  who  lay  claim  to 
your  soil, — in  regard  to  them,  convince  the  enemy, 
convince  your  own  rulers,  and  the  whole  world,  that 
you  have  but  one  mind.  Defensive  war  is  lawful — 
a  brave  people  have  the  prospect  of  success — and 
a  moral  people  will  prosecute  the  contest  to  a  suc- 
cessful termination. — Amen. 


THE  PRESENT  WAK, 

SERMON  TV. 
With  good  advice  make  war.     Pro  v.  xx.  18. 

A  HE  principles  of  this  proverb  1  have  already 
stated  and  defended.  To-day  you  expect  the  ap- 
plication. If  the  general  doctrines  laid  down  in  the 
preceding  discourse  be  admitted,  we  can  proceed 
harmoniously  in  applying  them  to  existing  circum- 
stances; but  if  the  truth  of  these  be  disputed,  we 
leave  the  case  to  your  reflections,  without  urging  our 
sentiments;  well  convinced  of  the  difficulty  of  con- 
vincing men  against  their  own  inclinations.  In  order 
to  refresh  your  recollection,  and  that  you  may  judge 
fairly  of  the  correctness  of  their  application  to  the 
present  war,  I  repeat  the  principles  argued  in  the 
preceding  sermon  upon  the  same  text. 

War  is  in  some  cases  moral. 

Reason  and  Revelation  prove  this. 

War,  in  defence  of  property,  liberty,  and  na- 
tional INDEPENDENCE  AND  HONOUR,  IS  LAWFUL  :    AND 


150  THE    I'RESEKT    WAK. 

DEFENSIVE  WAR  MAY  BE  FOR  PRECAUTION,   RESISTANCE, 
OR  REDRESS. 

Common  Sense — Writers  on  Public  Law — and  the 
Word  of  God,  prove  this.  The  cases  of  Abram,  Gi- 
deon,  and  Davids  furnish  examples  in  illustration. 

Support  ought  to  be  given  to  a  just  war. 

A  sense  of  Justice — the  love  of  Peace — and  the  Sa- 
cred Scriptures,  prove  this  assertion.  It  is  illustrated 
by  the  inspired  Song  of  Deborah. 

Should  any  of  my  hearers,  anticipating  the  appli- 
cation which  I  would  make  of  these  principles  to  the 
American  side  of  the  present  war,  either  express  a 
doubt  of  their  correctness,  or  deny  their  truth,  I 
have  not  entirely  lost  my  object.  I  take  you  at 
your  option.  However  you  may  be  disposed  to  con- 
sider your  own  country  as  the  most  guilty  in  the  pre- 
sent contest,  if  you  admit  the  principles  which  I 
have  now  repeated,  the  justice  of  this  war  upon  our 
part  will  necessarily  follow;  and  if  you  reject  the 
general  truths  laid  down,  the  superior  injustice  of  the 
enemy  will,  in  order  to  be  consistent,  be  admitted 
by  you.  Take  your  choice ;  and  let  us  reason  to- 
gether. 

1.  Do  you  deny  the  lawfulness  of  war  in  any  case  ? 

So  let  it  be.  I  shall  join  with  you  for  the  time,  in 
deprecating  its  numerous  evils.     It  flows  from  the 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  151 

malevolent  passions ;  and  it  encourages  and  strength- 
ens the  vicious  passions  from  which  it  flows.  It  ar- 
rests the  progress  of  improvement  in  society.  It 
impoverishes  countries;  and  lays  waste  the  cities  of 
the  nations.  It  exposes  to  temptations,  and  cor- 
rupts the  youth.  It  exposes  to  danger  and  to  death. 
It  hurries  into  eternity,  in  an  unprepared  state,  thou- 
sands of  our  thoughtless  fellow-sinners,  who  might 
otherwise  have  had  time  and  space  of  repentance.  If 
it  be  entirely  unlawful,  it  must  of  course  be  the 
greatest  of  crimes  which  man  commits  against  man : 
and  the  nation  which  wages  war  is  guilty  of  a  hei- 
nous offence  against  the  moral  Governor  of  the 
world.  Upon  your  principles,  war  is  a  national 
crime ;  and  the  nation  is  guilty  before  God,  and  in 
your  own  estimation,  in  proportion  to  the  magni- 
tude of  the  offence.  The  greater  the  war,  the 
greater  the  guilt.  Piety  too,  abhors  guilty  nations. 
You,  therefore,  who  consider  war  as  a  crime,  will 
abhor  nations  in  proportion  to  the  extent  of  the  wars 
in  wliich  they  are  concerned.  Apply  this.  Blame 
your  own  country  for  her  three  years  war.  Set  her 
down  as  guilty.  Abhor  her  in  due  proportion.  Lift 
up  your  voice  against  your  rulers,  who  caused  the 
nation  to  err,  and  are  foremost  in  the  crime.  But 
what  do  you  say  of  our  foe?  Great  Britain  is  also 
at  war  with  us.  You  say,  war  is  unlawful;  then, 
she  too  is  guilty.  Do  you  admit  this  ?  Her  guilt  is 
of  older  date.  It  is  of  greater  extent.  It  is  of 
longer  duration.  She  is  scarcely  ever  at  peace. 
Her  guilt,  upon  your  own  principles,  surpasses  the 
guilt  of  all  the  nations  of  the   earth.     During  the 


152  iHt    FRESExNT    WAK. 

last  fifty  years,  she  has  shed  more  blood  in  India 
than  has  been  shed  in  Europe  :  and  in  all  the  wars  of 
Europe  she  is  a  party.  Do  you  then  believe  she  i? 
the  most  guilty  nation  upon  earth?  Say  so.  Let 
your  conversation  and  your  political  opinions  mani- 
fest that  you  are  in  earnest.  Show,  that  it  is  the 
abhorrence  of  all  war  from  a  pure  conscience,  and  not 
a  political  bias  against  this  republican  country,  the 
least  guilty  of  the  crime  of  war,  that  induces  you  to 
reprobate  the  contest.  Declare,  unequivocally,  that 
as  all  war  is  unjust ;  as  the  guilt  is  in  proportion  to 
the  extent  and  duration  of  the  criminality.  Great 
Britain  is  guilty  of  the  greatest  national  injustice. 
You  cannot  avoid  this  conclusion.  You  cannot 
avoid  the  charge  of  insincerity,  if  you  do  not  readi-; 
ly  adopt  this  conclusion.  But  J  have  not  yet  done 
with  this  subject.  I  will  try  you  further  by  your 
own  moral  maxims.  All  war  is  crime — A  nation  is 
guilty  in  proportion  to  the  scale  upon  which  it  sins  hy 
carrying  on  war.  These  are  your  maxims.  Then 
you  declare  that  the  power  of  the  British  empire  is. 
founded  in  crime.  War  hath  raised  her  to  her  pre^ 
sent  splendour.  Behold  her  navy — what  you  call^ 
the  instrument  of  her  guilt.  It  is  her  support  and 
her  glory,  ft  is  that  very  navy  too,  which  hath^^ 
proved  the  cause  of  our  war  w^ith  her.  If  we  are 
guilty  for  going  to  war ;  she  at  least  was  the  tempter. 
It  was  her  war — according  to  your  maxim,  her  crime  ; 
it  was  her  crime  against  other  powers  that  affected 
our  neutrality,  and  of  course  produced  the  rupture. 
She  despoiled  our  trade ;  she  took  seamen  from  our 
peaceful  vessels.     She  forced  them  to  the  service  of 


THE   PRESENT  WAR.  153 

sin ;  for  you  say  war  is  sinful.  BritalH  then,  enga- 
ged with  other  nations  in  crime,  sought  occasion 
to  force  some  of  our  people  to  take  part  in  that 
crime.  She  committed  a  crime  upon  us.  She  is  still 
guilty  of  the  same  crime.  She  continues  at  war.  If, 
then,  war  is  in  all  cases  unjust,  she  is  the  most  un- 
just. Examine  your  own  hearts.  Try,  by  your  at- 
tachments, the  degree  of  influence  which  your  sen- 
timents have  over  your  inclinations ;  and  most  as- 
suredly, you  can  no  longer  consider  yourselves  sin- 
cere, if  opposed  to  all  war,  you  yet  remain  the  parti- 
zans  of  England  in  her  strife  with  America.  You 
will,  if  conscientious,  speak  and  act  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  be  above  suspicion:  and  you  will  do  me,  I  hope, 
the  justice  to  acknowledge,  that  not  my  argument, 
but  your  own  principle,  holds  up  to  the  moral  world 
the  government  of  England  as  most  worthy  of  chris- 
tian abhorrence. 

2.  You  will,  perhaps,  admit,  that  defensive  war  is 
lavvful,  but  deny  my  definition  of  it  to  be  correct. 
Will  you  give  us  your  own  definition  of  defensive 
warfare?  Will  you  exclude  inecaution  and  redress, 
and  confine  it  to  resistance  iiponyonr  own  soil  against 
invasion  1  I  am  satisfied  :  not,  indeed,  with  the  cor- 
rectness of  your  view%  but  with  the  sufficiency  of 
your  own  admission  to  the  object  which  I  have  in 
view — to  convince  you  that  Great  Britain  is  still  the 
more  guilty  nation.  Let  then  the  definition  you 
have  given,  contrary  as  it  is  to  all  authority,  be  the 
one  adopted  in  the  present  case.  I^csistance  to  an 
invading  enemy  is  alone  lawful  war. 

20 


154  THE  PRESENT      WAR. 

This  is  1/our  definition.     You  will  allow  me  again 
to  urge  the  duty  of  consistency.     Abide  by  the  ap- 
plication of  your  own    definition.     Tell  me  then, 
when  did  England  wage  a  lawful  war?  When  was 
her  soil  invaded  ?  Are  her  armies  confined  to  her 
own  soil  ?  Is  her  fieet  confined  within  tlie  limits  of 
her  own  waters?    Was  it    within    British  seas   she 
blockaded  the  ports  of  the  nations,  plundered  our 
merchants,  searched  our  vessels,  and  captivated  our 
mariners?  No,  my  friends.    According  to  your  views 
of  lawful  v.'ar,  England   is  the  disturber  of  the  na- 
tions; and  her  crime  is  her  glory.     She  is   proud 
that  her  soil  is  in  safety.     She  triumphs  in  the  idea, 
that  her  armies  have  overrun  the  provinces  of  her 
enemy.     She  boasts  of  wielding  the  trident  over  the 
ocean,  and  in  the  ports  of  the  several  nations  of  tlie 
earth.  By  your  definition,  as  the  apologists  of  Eng- 
land, you  may  condemn  as  immoral  the  achievements 
of  our  Browns,  and  our  Scotts,  our  Gaines,  and  our 
Porters — You  may  condemn  the  invasion  of  Canada 
by  the  American  arms :  but  certainly,  you  have  an 
equal  degree    of  guilt  to  balance    the  account  of 
criminality,  between  the  belligerents,  in  the  capture 
of  Detroit,  the  invasion  of  Plattsburgh,   the  posses- 
sion of  Castine,  the  plunders  of  the  Chesapeake,  and 
of  the  cities  which  lie  on  its  rivers,  and  its  shores : 
and  there  is  yet  a  vast  portion  of  guilt  to  which  there 
is  no  parallel.     If  it  be  unlawful  to  pass  in  Avar,  the 
limits  of  our  own  country,  you  may  blot  from  the 
number  of  your  saints,  the  names  of  Abraham,  and 
Valid,  and  Gideon:   but  you  cannot  justify  that  na- 
tion that  has  died  in])]ood  the  snow?  of  Scandinavia, 


THE    1  RESENT   WAR.  155 

and  the  sands  of  the  Ganges ;  that  has  kindled  the 
flames  of  peaceful  Copenhagen,  and  levelled  to  the 
dust  the  bulwarks  of  Seringapalam. 

If  it  be  unjust  to  wage  war  for  the  preservation 
of  property,  liberty,  and  national  dignity  or  inde- 
pendence, T  believe  it  will  not  be  easy  to  find  in 
the  history  of  nations  a  justifiable  war,  or  any  na- 
tion so  innocent  of  shedding  blood  as  the  United 
States  of  America.  It  is  impossible  to  reason  upon 
moral  principles  against  the  side  of  America  in  the 
present  war,  without  exposing  the  immorality  of 
the  enemy.  Every  argument,  that  can  apply,  in 
any  one  case,  against  this  country,  will,  with  greater 
force,  apply  in  many  cases,  to  the  other  belligerent. 
Make  the  experiment,  and  you  will  feel  the  force  of 
my  assertion.  In  the  books  of  the  wars  of  England, 
no  cause  of  battle  which  will  bear  examination  can 
be  found,  if  you  reject  as  illegitimate  those  which 
have  been  mentioned.  There  is  only  one  other 
conceivable  cause.  War  may  be  waged  in  defence  of 
religious  rights  in  opposition  to  persecution.  Of  this 
cause,  however.  Great  Britain  in  her  wars  cannot 
avail  herself.  The  church  of  England  is  not  suffer- 
ing under  persecution.  She  feels  power;  and  how- 
ever she  may  be  charged  by  others  with  an  intole- 
rant spirit,  she  is  under  no  necessity  of  contending 
by  the  sword  for  toleration  for  herself.  There 
was  a  time  vvhen  English  men  fought  for  their 
religious  liberties.  They  contended  against  their 
own  kings,  his  prelates,  his  counsellors,  and  his 
arms.     They  contended  valiantly,  and  their  valour 


lifij  THE    PKESEiNT   IVAK. 

deserves  to  be  held  in  everlasting  remembrance^ 
That  day  is  past;  and  jilas!  the  descendants  of  the 
New-England  pilgrims,  the  descendants  of  English 
and  Scottish  dissenters  from  prelatical  u?urpation, 
appear  to  have  forgotten,  in  their  admiration  of  the 
grandeur  of  British  power,  the  mixture  of  supersti- 
tion and  misrule  in  the  complex  constitution  of 
church  and  state  in  that  land — the  evil,  of  which  their 
fathers  complained,  and  under  which  they  grievously 
suffered. 

There  are,  in  the  British  empire,  both  within  and 
without  her  present  ecclesiastical  political  esta- 
blishment, men  of  virtue,  of  truth,  of  piety,  who 
revere  the  memory  of  the  Puritans,  and  who  are 
themselves  friends  to  tlie  rights  of  humanity  who 
strive  to  diffuse  the  light  of  Christianity  among  the 
nations;  and  avail  themselves  of  the  opportunities 
which  even  criminal  conquest  may  offer  for  that 
purpose.  But  the  wars  of  the  sovereign  are  not  for 
the  defence  of  religion.  They  are  political.  It  is 
not  by  the  Royal  family,  the  counsellors,  the  nobles, 
or  the  army,  that  British  piety  is  supported.  It  is 
not  for  the  honour  of  religion  that  the  sacrament  is 
prostituted ;  and  that  dissenters  are  excluded  from 
power.  It  is  not  in  support  of  the  great  Protestant 
cause,  that  Papists  are  kept  down  in  Ireland,  and 
raised  up  to  all  the  splendour  of  their  superstition  in 
Italy,  in  Spain,  and  in  France,  by  the  arms  of  Eng- 
land. It  is  not  for  the  sake  of  Christ  ianhy,  in 
the  most  extensive  use  of  that  word,  that  a  revenue 
accrues  to  the  British  government  from  the  Pagan 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  t57 

establishments  of  India.  The  wars,  in  short,  of  our 
enemy,  wherever  they  are  waged,  are  utterly  ille- 
gitimate and  unjust  upon  the  principle  of  the  defini- 
tion wliich  you  have  given,  for  the  purpose  of 
condemning,  as  unjust,  that  policy  of  your  own 
government,  which  makes  the  provinces  of  the  ene- 
my, in  some  instances,  the  seat  of  the  present  war. 

3.  Do  you  give  up  the  controversy  about  the  na- 
ture of  defensive  warfare,  and  admit  the  justice 
of  transferring  it  into  the  enemy's  territory,  but  still 
deny  the  applicability  of  the  cases  which  I  have 
stated  from  the  Bible  ? 

I  meet  you  upon  this  ground  with  cheerfulness. 
It  is  christian  ground.     Let  the  Bible  direct  our  po- 
litical conduct.     Let  this  book  decide  upon  the  prin- 
ciples which  we  are  to  apply  to  the  belligerent  na- 
tions, in  determining  the  measure  of  their  rights  and 
their  wrongs.     If  I  have  misapplied    its    maxims, 
give  your  interpretation.     I  will   adopt    your  own 
comment,  and  show  you,  that  if  its  principles  condemn 
the  American  policy,  it  will  also  condemn,  with  equal 
severity,  and  in  more  numerous  instances,  the  moral 
character  of  Britisli  wars,  for  which  you  are  an  apo- 
logist against  your  country.     You   will  again  have 
an  opportunity  of  examining,  as  a  sincere  christian, 
your  own   heart,  and  of  trying,  before   your  God, 
your  scruples  relative  to  the  present  war.     You  can 
then  determine,  whether  they  arise  from  tenderness 
of  conscience,  or  from  the  prejudices  of  foreign  par- 
tialities. 


1^8  THE    PRESErvT    WAR. 

Offer  your  objections  to  the  proof  I  Imve  adduced 
from  the  Bible.  Do  you  say  the  cases  are  not  pa- 
rallel ?  I  grant  it.  The  wars  of  Palestine  differ  in 
many  things  from  the  American  war.  Palestine 
itself  differs  from  these  lands  which  we  occupy. 
The  people  too  are  in  many  things  different  from 
us.  And  yet,  there  are  also  many  things  in  which 
their  circumstances  agree.  But  to  gratify  you,  I 
drop  all  pretensions  to  maintain  the  parallel.  I 
have  cited  the  cases  of  Abram,  Gideon,  and  David. 
/  have  staled  facts.  These  facts  are  not  disputed. 
Upon  the  facts,  /  have  rested  principles.  These 
principles  may  be  applied.  It  is  not  in  order  to 
amuse  you  with  expert  analogies,  in  order  to  run 
a  parallel,  that  I  have  opened  the  Bible.  It  is  for 
the  purpose  of  exhibiting  principles,  and  the  facts 
which  support  and  explain  them.  The  principles 
being  discovered,  every  man  may  judge  of  the  ap- 
plication. Do  you  den}^  these  principles?  War  is 
lawful — defensive  war  is  lawful — to  prevent,  resist, 
or  repair  an  injury,  is  lawful — war  may  be  waged 
for  the  defence  of  liberty,  property,  and  national  in- 
dependence, if  any  of  these  are  either  threatened  or 
violated.  Do  you  deny  these  principles?  No;  you 
have  admitted  them.    I  will,  therefore,  apply  them  to 

The  war  in  which  gum  country  is  at  present 

ENGAGED. 

In  mailing  this  application  of  the  words  of  inspi- 
ration, "  With  good  advice  make  war"  I  design  to 
show,  that  The  United  Slates  have  lanful  cause  of 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  159 

war  with  Great  Bi'itain,  and  to  explain  The  princi- 
ple s  upon  which  the  nar  should  be  prosecuted. 

T.  The  Causes  of  the  present  war. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  personal  wishes  or 
opinions  uf  those  who  recommended  to  the  congress 
a  declaration  of  hostilities^  the  instrument  itself,  in 
which  the  declaration  is  made,  and  the  Heport  of  the 
Committee  of  Foreign  Relations,  assert  facts,  and  con- 
tain reasonings,  too  true  to  afford  the  impartial 
reader  an  opportunity  of  denying,  upon  moral  prin- 
ciples, the  legitimacy  of  an  appeal  to  tlie  sword.  That 
in  the  recommendation  of  war,  and  in  the  ultimate 
decision,  some  of  the  men  in  power  may  have  been 
influenced  by  personal  irritation — others,  by  views 
of  ambition  and  self-interest — and  others,  by  fear  of 
giving  offence  to  patrons,  or  to  constituents,  1  do  not 
take  upon  me  to  deny  or  to  affirm.  Such  motives, 
in  some  degree,  enter  very  generally  into  the  rea- 
sonings and  conduct  of  all  men,  and  particularly  of 
politicians ;  but  even  then  there  may  exist  a  love  of 
country,  and  a  sense  of  justice,  modifying  the  less 
worthy  motives.  With  the  private  designs  of  indi- 
viduals, we  have  not  in  this  inquiry  so  much  to  do  as 
with  matters  of  fact,  which  are  of  public  notoriety. 
God  judges  the  heart:  but,  it  is  known  to  the  world, 
that  for  a  series  of  years,  the  British  sovereign  was 
in  the  habit  of  injuring  the  interests  and  honour  of 
this  commonwealth.  AVhatever  diversity  of  opi- 
nions may  exist  respecting  the  extent  of  the  injury  ; 
and  although  the  expediency  and  justice  of  the  war, 


160  THE   CAUSES   OF 

at  its  commencement,  may  liave  been  called  in  ques- 
tion, no  man  ever  doubted  that  the  application  of 
the  rule  of  the  war  of  1756,  the  orders  in  council, 
and  the  numerous  blockading  decrees  of  that  nation, 
were  injurious  to  the  fair  trade  of  America.  The 
practice,  too,  of  searching  our  vessels  by  their  men 
of  war,  in  order  to  impress  our  peaceful  sailors  into 
their  service,  as  the  fact  has  never  been  doubted, 
will  be  universally  admitted  to  be  a  grievance — a 
heavy  grievance  to  any  people,  and  much  more  so 
to  a  free  and  independent  empire. 

There  are  two  principles,  christians,  upon  which 
you  will  express  your  accord.  Whether  the  guilt 
of  provoking  the  war,  or  of  commencing  it,  be  the 
greater,  you  will  admit,  both,  that  thk  sin,  for  the  pu- 
nishment OF  WHICH  IT  IS  PERMITTED    BY  THE  DeITY, 

is  chargeable  upon  us  all ;  and  that  the  cause  of 
THE  continuance  OF  HOSTILITIES,  is  different  from 
that  which  gave  it  origin.  If  I  shall  have  suc- 
ceeded in  proving  that  the  original  grounds  of 
the  declaration  of  war  were  moral,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  the  propriety  now  of  resisting  an  invading 
foe,  or  of  continuing  the  contest  until  it  terminate 
in  an  equitable  peace.  I  do  not  rest  my  argument 
entirely  upon  the  limited  idea  of  defence,  which  is 
involved  in  resisting  invasion,  although  in  the  present 
stage  of  the  contest,  this  would  suffice  to  prove  its 
justice.  He  is  unworthy  of  being  treated  with  an 
appeal  to  intellect  or  conscience,  who  would  dispute, 
after  admitting  the  lawfulness  of  war  in  any  case, 
the  propriety  of  repelling,  force  by  force,  when  a 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  161 

cession  of  territory  is  demanded  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  and  invasion  with  all  its  horrors  approaches 
his  own  door. 

I  affirm  the  justice  of  the  war  from  its  com- 
mencement.  Our  neutral  trade  was  violently  op- 
posed, and  almost  totally  destroyed ;  our  property 
was  captured ;  our  fellow-citizens  were  enslaved, 
while  peaceably  pursuing  their  proper  employment; 
and  negotiation  failed,  after  the  exertion  of  years,  to 
procure  redress  for  the  past,  or  immunity  for  the 
future.  To  recover  and  preserve  property — To  re- 
deem and  to  defend  men,  these  are  lawful  causes  of 
war.  These  are  the  causes  of  the  present  war.  The 
argument  requires  neither  art  nor  eloquence.  It  is 
obvious  to  ever}^  capacity.  It  is  irresistible.  It  may 
be  evaded,  but  it  cannot  be  refuted.  If  it  fail  in 
extorting  confession,  it  cannot  fail  in  producing  con- 
viction. 

American  property  has  been  seized  and  destroy- 
ed: American  citizens  have  been  impressed  and  en- 
slaved.    These  are  the  facts. 

War,  in  defence  of  property,  of  liberty,  and  of 
life,  is  lawful.     This  is  the  principle. 

Apply  the  principle  to  the  facts.  The  United 
States  have  declared  war,  in  order  to  vindicate  the 
rights  of  property,  of  liberty,  and  of  life.  There- 
fore is  the  present  w^ar,  fiom  its  origin,  a  defensive 
and  a  just  war.     This  is  the  argument. 

21 


J62  THE    CAUSES    OP 

You  may  speak  about  it,  and  write  about  it ;  yoiir 
may  close  your  eyes  upon  it;  you  may  go  round 
about,  and  fly  from  it :  but  you  will  in  vain  offer  re- 
sistance to  its  truth.  The  facts  are  notorious.  The 
principle  is  confessed.    The  application  is  necessary. 

I  use  very  plain  language,  my  brethren ;  it  is  time 
to  speak  plainly  upon  this  subject.  Our  country 
has  suffered  abundantly.  Insult  has  been  added  to 
injury,  by  a  people  who  regard  the  American  repub- 
lic with  an  evil  and  a  jealous  eye.  They  consider 
this  country  as  a  commercial  rival.  They  are 
alarmed  at  its  rapid  growth  in  arts,  in  knowledge,  in 
opulence,  and  in  power.  They  affect  to  despise 
every  thing  that  is  American.  By  their  publica- 
tions, in  prose  and  in  poetry,  the  English  writers 
strive  to  keep  their  countrymen  in  ignorance  of  the 
land  in  which  we  live.  They  draw  a  caiicature  of 
our  manners,  our  morals,  our  laws,  and  our  religion. 
Their  official  reports,  those  documents  in  which  the 
veracity  of  history  should  uniformly  be  found,  are 
characterized  by  illiherality  and  misrepresentation. 
In  diplomacy,  they  have  practised  delay ;  they  have 
trifled,  equivocated,  and  insulted.  They  have  sought 
the  glory  of  Great  Britain,  at  the  expense  of  the  ITni- 
ted  States;  they  have  endeavoured  to  divide  and  to- 
destroy.  The  hatred  which  they  bear  to  our  republi- 
can institutions,  envenoms  the  spirit  of  rivalry,  with 
which  they  contemplate  the  progress  of  empire  in 
the  new  world.  Resistance  ought  to  have  been  made 
long  before  it  was  attempted  by  this  nation — It 
ought  to  have  been  made  with  unanimity  and  energy. 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  1^3 

In  vindicating  the  justness  of  this  war,  upon  the 
•part  of  the  United  States,  there  is  one  interesting 
question,  to  which  I  think  it  my  duty  to  turn  your 
particular  attention.  It  is  one  of  tiie  principal 
causes  of  the  war,  that  British  officers  have,  while 
acting  upon  the  right  of  search,  impressed  mariners 
from  American  merchantmen.  This  outrage  upon 
the  national  independence,  they  have  endeavoured 
to  justify.  The  practice  was  convenient  and  profit- 
able for  the  navy  of  that  country ;  and  they  sought 
for  a  doctrine  which  might  serve  to  give  to  it  a  sem- 
blance of  equity.  They  strove  to  discover  some 
general  principle,  which  miglit  at  the  same  time 
gratify  the  national  pride  of  England,  and  furnish  a 
source  of  allegation  and  dispute,  among  the  politi- 
cal parties  existing  in  the  United  States.  They  found 
such  a  maxim  in  the  despotic  tenet  of  ptrpetual 
allegiance  to  the  crown.  This  maxim,  never  admit- 
ted by  any  writer  upon  public  law,  who  has  a  regard 
to  character,  or  is  worthy  of  a  name,  is  no  lesi«  false 
in  itself,  than  inapplicable  to  the  case  in  hand.  Were 
it  even  true,  that  a  native  of  Britain  can  never  of 
right  throw  off  his  allegiance  to  the  country  which 
gave  him  birth,  it  by  no  means  follows  that  the  king 
has  a  right  to  take  from  his  employments,  any  of  his 
subjects,  to  serve  him  against  his  own  choice. 

1.  He  has  not  this  right  in  his  own  dominions ;  and 
much  less  can  he  procure  it,  by  violating  the  territo- 
ry of  a  neighbouring  nation.  If  he  have  no  right  to 
enter  a  private  farmer's  house  in  England,  and  force 
the  son  away  from  his  father,  and  his  mother,  into 


2G4  THE   CAUSES   01^ 

slavery ;  certainly  he  has  no  right,  by  virtue  of  na- 
tive allegiance,  to  force  such  a  one  awa^  from  any 
other  lawful  situation  in  which  he  may  happen  in 
providence  to  be  placed. 

2.  If  the  doctrine  of  perpetual  allegiance  were 
true,  it  w<»uld  not  justify  entering  by  force,  and  com- 
mitting violence  on  board  an  American  vessel.  The 
right  of  search,  for  enemy's  goods,  or  contraband  of 
war,  aboard  a  neutral,  is  tolerated,  for  the  purpose 
of  maintaining  a  fair  trade;  but  it  has  no  connexion 
with  the  violent  and  injurious  practice,  of  dragging 
men  into  bondage,  when  prosecuting  a  fair  trade. 

3.  As  perpetual  allegiance  gives  no  right  of  en- 
slaving an  English  subject,  by  forcing  him  into  a 
service  which  is  not  his  choice  ;  much  less  can  it  jus- 
tify the  impressment  of  an  American  citizen.  Urge, 
as  you  will,  the  similarity  of  countenance,  of  dress, 
and  of  language ;  and  the  difficulty  of  distinguish- 
ing man  from  man :  these  remarks  go  only  to  show 
the  propriety  of  omitting  as  inexpedienty  the  practice 
which  is  so  liable  to  abuse,  even  if  it  were  lawful ; 
but,  on  no  principle  of  sound  reasoning,  can  it  afford 
any  right  whatever,  to  seize  by  force  the  person  of  a 
free  man.*     It  was  reserved  for  the  boasted  wisdom 

*  To  Bay  of  emigrants  to  the  United  Slates  from  Europe,  that, 
in  defending  the  rights  of  tlieir  adopted  coimivy  against  the  injuries 
of  their  native  country,  tliey  are  guilty  of  treason,  and  deserve  the 
punii^htnent  of  traitors,  is  a  perversion  of  princifdes  and  of  lan- 
guage. Any  thing,  that  the  ruling  party,  an  unjust  judge,  and  a 
packed  jury,  ^yill  choo?e  to  condemn  under  the  government   of 


THE   PRESENT  WAR.  165 

of  British  partizans,  to  discover  the  argument,  that 
an  American  deserved  the  punibhment  of  impress- 
ment, into  the  naval  service  of  the  haughty  empire, 
(whose  cruel  yoke  had  formerly  been  thrown  off,)  for 
no  other  crime  than  his  resemblance  to  an  English- 
man.    Does  this  denote  servitude  ? 

4.  The  pretext  of  perpetual  allegiance,  can  have 
110  effect,  in  giving  the  semblance  of  equity  to  the 
practice,  in  the  extent  to  w  hich  it  has  been  carried 


Great  Britain,  may,  for  that  [jurpose,  be  denominated  constructive 
treason:  but  treason  cannot  be  committed  except  by  a  traitor;  and 
no  man  can  be  a  traitor  unless  he  betrays  his  trust.  Injustice  doe» 
not  constitute  a  man  a  traitor,  unless  he  has  previously  pledged 
himself  to  a  certain  course  ol'  conduct.  Pontius  Pilate  was  unjust 
towards  our  Lord  Jesus  <.;hrist;  but  Judas  Iscariot  was  a  traitor. 
He  who  has  publicly  disclaimed  allegiance  to  the  king  of  England, 
cannot  aiterwards  be  a  traitor  to  his  majesty's  government;  but  he 
who  has  sworn  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  and  afterwards 
serves  the  cause  of  the  enemies  of  America,  he,  even  he,  is  the 
man  who  betrays  his  trust,  and  is  indeed  the  traitor  to  his  country. 
-  All  civilized  states  act  upon  this  obvious  principle  of  morality. 
The  subjects  of  one  state  residing  in  anolher,  when  war  breaks  out 
between  them,  are  treated  as  enemies  b}'  the  state  in  which  they 
live;  but  not  as  traitors,  because  there  was  no  trust  reposed  in 
them.  It  is  not  until  they  have  acquired  the  rights  of  citizenship 
by  naturalization  that  they  can  be  guilty  of  treason. 

Upon  the  self-same  principle,  those  natives  of  Britain,  who  have 
left  their  country,  and  publicly  disavowed  their  allegiance,  cannot 
injustice  he  expected  to  retain  it,  and  cannot  of  course  either  be- 
tray a  trust  towards  the  British  government,  or  be  guilty  of  treason 
against  the  King.  All,  who  believe  the  correctness  of  the  British 
claims,  practically  declare,  that  Iho^e  men  are  deceivers,  who,  having 
been  born  in  the  British  domiaions,  have  become  naturalized  ie 
America. 


166  THE    CAUSES    OF 

by  the  officers  of  the  British  crown.  They  haTc 
claimed  the  right  of  removing  from  the  vessels, 
aboard  of  which  they  entered  by  formal  contract, 
men  of  all  nations,  who  could  not  possibly  be  mis- 
taken for  natives  of  the  British  Isles.  The  Swede, 
the  Dane,  the  Dutchman,  the  Spaniard,  and  the  sable 
sons  of  Africa,  have  been  ordered,  under  the  lash, 
to  quit  the  place  of  their  choice,  and  enter  aboard  a 
man  of  war.  Such  are  the  outrageous  acts  which 
the  plea  of  perpetual  allegiance  has  been  invented  to 
cover.  It  has  been  repeated,  and  repeated,  and  re- 
peated, until  weak  men,  in  despite  of  its  absurdity, 
have  been  tempted  to  believe  its  truth. 

Having  shown  its  inapijlicahilUy,  I  go  on  to  prove 
its  erroneousness. 

The  question  to  which  I  particularly  request  your 
attention,  is. 

The  Right  of  Expatriatioa% 

The  defence  of  property  is  one  cause  of  this  war. 
The  defence  of  persons  is  another.  Both  are  legi- 
timate causes.  The  seizure  of  men  by  the  naval  of- 
ficers of  England,  took  place  under  the  plea  of  alle- 
giance, which  I  have  shown  to  be  inapplicable.  I 
undertake,  besides,  to  prove  that  it  is  unjust.  In 
taking  this  ground,  I  am  not  ignorant  of  the  oppo- 
sition made  to  the  right  of  expatriation.  I  am  pre- 
pared to  meet  it  in  all  its  force.  The  question  has 
been  discussed  in  Europe  and  America.    The  sailor 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  W7 

and  the  soldier,  the  advocate  and  the  judge,  the  law- 
giver and  the  philosopher,  the  husbandman  and  the 
merchant,  the  mechanic  and  the  courtier,  the  divine 
and  the  statesman,  have  taken  an  interest  in  the  dis- 
cussion. The  decision  affects  all  classes  of  men,  and 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth.  It  behoves  especially, 
the  christian  moralist,  to  know  upon  which  side  the 
truth  is  found,  in  order  to  be  able  to  acquit  himself 
with  a  good  conscience,  wheresoever  it  may  be  his 
lot  to  reside.  If  allegiance  to  human  governments 
be  indeed  unalienable,  he  who  leaves  his  native 
country,  never  can  enjoy  the  rights  of  a  citizen  in 
any  other  land ;  and,  although  the  men  of  the  world 
may  sport  with  perjury,  the  christian,  desirous  to  act 
as  an  Israelite  indeed  in  whom  there  is  no  guile, 
can  never,  by  his  profession  or  his  oath,  undertake 
to  transfer  an  allegiance  which  is  in  its  nature  unal- 
terable. Pitiable  indeed,  is  his  case ;  bound  by  an 
iron  law  to  the  spot  which  gave  him  birth,  or  pre- 
vented, if  he  should  venture  to  leave  his  first  resi- 
dence, from  enjoying  to  the  end  of  his  life  the  pri- 
vilege of  a  freeman  in  any  other  society  upon  earth. 
In  vindicating  the  right  of  expatriation,  I  feel  con- 
vinced I  am  on  the  side  of  humanity  and  godliness. 

All  men  are  born  equally  free — There  is  no  ob- 
ligation by  contract  to  prevent  entirely  a  change  of 
country — allegiance  and  protection  are  reciprocal — 
all  nations  recognize  the  principle  of  expatriation — 
the  contrary  doctrine  leads  to  absurdity — and  the 
word  of  the  living  God  secures  this  right  to  man. 


168  THE    CAUSES    OP 

I'hese  are  my  arguments  in  defence  of  my  asser- 
tion.    I  proceed  to  illustrate  and  apply  them. 

J .  All  Men  are  born  equally  Free. 

The  religion,  which  is  from  God,  lays  the  loftiness 
of  man,  the  pride  of  royalty,  and  the  claims  of  no- 
ble blood,  in  the  dust.  It  assures  us  that  God  hath 
made  of  one  blood  all  the  nations  of  men  for  to  dwell 
upon  all  the  face  of  the  earth* — that  all  are  by  nature 
in  a  like  sinful  and  dependent  state.  There  is 
nothing  in  the  bone,  or  the  blood,  or  the  head,  or 
the  heart  of  a  king's  son,  to  distinguish  him  from  the 
infant  peasant.  There  is  no  provision  in  nature  or 
religion,  for  binding  one  man  against  his  will  to  the 
service  of  another.  Nativity,  therefore,  of  itself, 
produces  neither  sovereignty  nor  allegiance :  and  it 
is  of  course  but  a  violence  against  the  laws  of 
nature  and  of  revelation  to  urge,  on  account  of  birth, 
a  perpetual  allegiance  to  any  dynasty  whatever. 
The  relation  of  rulers  and  ruled  exists  only  by  con- 
tract. Society  results  from  the  constitution  of  hu- 
man nature.  It  is  the  will  of  God  that  order  should 
obtain  among  his  rational  creatures :  but  every  mait 
is  free  to  select  hi;;  own  society,  and  make  choice  of 
the  power  to  which  he  will  submit  for  his  protection. 

2.  There  is  no  obligation  from  the  social  compact 
upon  man  to  continue  in  allegiance  to  the  government 
under  which  he  was  born. 


«  Acta  xvii.  26. 


-♦ttr 


THE  PRESENT  WAR.  169 

That  an  individual  may  bind  himself,  by  ex- 
press stipulation,  to  certain  services,  in  a  given  place, 
either  for  a  specified  term  of  years,  or  for  life, 
is  not  denied;  but  such  stipulation  is  not  implied 
in  the  social  compact.  A  nation,  it  is  true,  as  well 
as  any  other  body  politic,  may  give  pledges,  and 
contract  debts;  and  every  member  of  the  body 
is  bound  to  redeem  the  pledge,  and  discharge  the 
obligation,  in  its  true  spirit  and  design:  but  no 
man  is  bound  to  continue  a  member,  longer  than  the 
nature  of  the  connexion  itself  requires.  There  is 
not  in  the  constitution  of  the  body  politic  any  such 
regulation,  as  requires  every  man  to  abide  in  the 
country  which  gave  him  birth.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  civil  society,  that  such  a  principle  should  be  re- 
cognized :  it  is  not  proper  that  it  should :  and  even  if 
the  government  should  succeed  in  introducing  it  ex- 
pressly into  the  constitution,  the  stipulation,  as  it 
would  be  immoral,  could  not  be  obligatory.  See- 
ing no  man  is  morally  bound  to  the  spot  in  which 
he  was  born,  and  cannot  lawfully  be  circumscribed 
by  the  limits  of  a  prison,  however  extended,  unless 
by  transgression  he  has  forfeited  his  liberty,  it  is 
perfectly  preposterous  to  allege  that  a  government, 
formed  for  a  local  jurisdiction,  should  claim,  without 
his  consent,  the  right  of  sovereignty  over  him,  aftex 
having  passed  beyond  the  limits  of  its  authority, 

3.  Allegiance  and  protection  are  reciprocal;  and 
^protection  is  the  foundation  upon  which  the  claim  of 
allegiance  rests.  When  the  foundation  is  removed, 
the  edifice  fallp  of  course. 

22 


1/0  THE    CAUSES    OF 

I  readily  admit,  that  there  is  something  in  the 
idea  of  native  country^  which  is  intimately  connected 
willi  the  doctrine  of  allegiance.  It  is  not,  however, 
the  spot  of  earth,  upon  which  the  child  is  born,  that 
connects  him  with  the  national  society ;  but  the  rela- 
tion of  the  child's  parents  to  that  society. 

In  the  ordinary  concerns  of  life  there  is  no  need 
of  such  minute  distinctions;  and  there  is  too  little 
discrimination,  exercised  by  the  greater  part  of  men, 
to  be  able  to  understand  it.  Even  statesmen  are 
not  always  wise;  and  designing  men  find  it  their  in- 
terest to  keep  up  a  confusion  of  ideas  upon  im- 
portant subjects.  In  the  present  discussion,  never- 
theless, it  is  necessary,  that  I  distinctly  state  to  you 
the  irue  hond^  rvhich  connects  the  child  with  the  body 
polilic.  li  is  not  the  inanimate  matter  of  a  piece  of 
land,  but  the  moral  relations  of  his  parentage.  Let 
a  child  be  born  within  the  walls  of  a  church,  this 
does  not  make  him  a  church  member ;  but  if  the  pa- 
rent or  parents  be  in  connexion  with  tlie  church,  so 
is  the  offspring.  Visible  society,  as  it  is  provided 
for  in  the  constitution  of  human  nature,  naturally 
seeks  to  perpetuate  its  own  existence,  by  conferring 
upon  children  the  membership  of  their  parents. 
Each  citizen  too  is  supposed  to  reserve  for  his  off- 
spring the  benefits  of  society.  The  Governor  of  the 
universe  approves  of  this  provision.  Thus  it  is,  that 
the  country  of  the  faliier  is  that  of  the  child,  and  not 
because  he  happened  to  be  born  in  its  territory. 
Residence  produces  an  attachment.  Education  che- 
rishes affection  for  the  scenes  of  early  life ;  but  orily^ 


THE   PRESEiVT   WAR.  171 

moral  relations  lay  the  foundation  for  moral  obliga- 
tion. It  is  the  enjoyment  of  the  privileges  of  society, 
that  lays  the  foundation  for  obedience  to  its  autho- 
rity. It  follows  from  this,  that  protection  being  the 
end  of  civil  government,  the  sovereign  has  no  other 
claim  upon  the  allegiance  of  the  subject,  than  what 
arises  from  the  protection  which  he  affords.  As  is 
the  protection  nhich  1  ask  and  receive^  so  is  the  fealty 
which  I  owe.  If  I  ask  none,  I  am  under  no  allegi- 
ance :  If  I  receive  none,  I  have  nothing  to  return. 
It  is  the  very  essence  of  despotism  to  claim  au- 
thority over  me  without  an  equivalent.* 

4.  All  Nations  recognise  the  Right  of  Expatriation. 

It  has  been  very  common,  among  the  several  na- 
tions of  the  earth,  to  banish  from  their  territories 
into  other  countries,  some  of  their  citizens — Writers 
on  public  law,  admit  the  right  of  emigration — Fo- 
reigners  are   naturalized    by   the   several   civilized 


*  "  By  the  law  of  nature  alono,  children  follow  the  condition  of 
their  fathers,  and  enter  into  all  their  rights.  The  [)lace  of  birth 
produces  no  change  in  this  parlicular — for  it  is  not  natunUIy  the 
place  of  birth  that  gives  rights,  but  extraction.  Children  liorn  at 
sea — out  of  the  country— in  the  armies  of  the  state,— in  thehouse  of 
its  ministers  at  a  foreign  court,  are  reputed  native  citizens.  Every 
man,  born  free,  may  examine  whether  it  be  convenient  for  him  to 
join  in  the  society  (or  which  he  was  destined  l)y  his  twrth.  If 
he  finds  that  it  will  be  of  no  advantage  to  him  to  remain  in  it,  he 
£8  at  liberty  to  leave  it." 

Vattet..  Sec.  2iei--220. 


172  thb:  causes  ok 

stales ;  and  each  of  these  facts  implies  the  principle 
of  expatriation. 

The  history  of  distinsjuished  men,  in  the  first  rankc 
of  life,  who  have  been  exiled  from  the  Grecian  states, 
from  the  Roman  republic,  from  France,  Germany, 
and  from  the  British  dominions,  would  fill  volumes 
of  instructive  comment  on  this  theme  of  discussion. 
We  have  very  respectable  exiles  before  us,  in  this 
city,  who  are  living  witnesses  of  the  truth,  that 
Great  Britain,  notwithstanding  the  claims  of  per- 
petual allegiance  upon  the  part  of  her  statesmen, 
admits  the  dissolution  of  native  allegiance,  and  of 
course  contradicts  the  doctrine  of  its  perpetuity.  If 
nativity  simply  constitutes  allegiance,  it  must  be  un- 
alterable ;  because  native  country  never  can  change  : 
a  man  is  born  but  once.  If  voluntary  contract  is  the 
basis  of  allegiance,  I  have  gained  my  point ;  for,  in 
this  case,  the  one  party  is  free  to  relinquish  a  con- 
nexion in  the  nature  of  things  conditional,  as  well 
as  the  other.  When  the  connexion  is  dissolved, 
protection  and  allegiance  perish  together. 

I  give  you  the  law  of  nations  on  this  subject,  in 
the  words  of  Vattel.  "The  term  country ^  common- 
ly signifies  the  state  of  which  one  is  a  member.  In  a 
more  confined  sense,  and  more  agreeable  to  its  ety- 
mology, this  term  signifies  the  state,  or  even  more 
particularly  the  town,  or  place  where  our  parents 
lived  at  the  moment  of  our  birth.  In  this  sense  it  is 
justly  said,  that  our  country  cannot  be  changed,  and 


THE    PRESBNT   WAn.  173 

always  remains  the  same,  to  whatsoever  place  we  re- 
move afterwards — But,  as  several  lawful  reasons  may 
oblige  a  man  to  choose  another  country,  that  is,  to 
become  a  member  of  another  society ;  so,  when  we 
speak  in  general  of  the  duly  to  our  country^  we  ought 
to  understand  by  this  term,  the  state  of  wMch  a  man 
is  an  actual  member  ;  since  it  is  to  that  he  owes  it  en- 
tirely, and  in  preference  to  all  others.""^ 

"  There  are  cases,  in  which  a  citizen  has  an  abso- 
lute right  to  renounce  his  country^  and  abandon  it  en- 
tirely. 1.  If  the  citizen  cannot  procure  subsistence 
in  his  own  country.  2.  If  the  body  of  the  society, 
or  he  who  represents  it,  absolutely  neglects  to  fulfil 
his  obligations  to  a  citizen.  3.  If  the  sovereign  would 
establish  laws,  to  which  the  pact  of  Society  cannot 
oblige  a  citizen  to  submit."t 

Of  the  third  justifiable  cause  of  expatriation,  M. 
de  Vattel  gives  three  instances — When  religious  li- 
berty is  violated ;  w^hen  a  form  of  government  is  al- 
tered from  freedom  to  a  more  arbitrary  svstem ;  and 
when  a  nation  has  given  up,  by  submission  to  ano- 
ther, its  own  independence.  "  Those  who  quit  their 
country  from  a  lawful  reason,  are  called  emigrants;" 
and  of  "  the  right  of  emigration^'"'  he  says  in  the  next 
sentence,t  "  This  is  a  natural  right,  which  is  cer- 

•^  Book  I.  Chap.  11.  fBook  I.  Cliap.  19. 

:j:  Sect.  225. 


874  THE    CAUSES  01< 

iainly  excepted  in  the  pact  of  socicti/J'  It  is,  by  the  law 
of  nations,  a  right  which  cannot  be  surrendered. 

Proceeding  upon  this  principle,  all  nations  have 
been  in  the  habits  of  naturalizing  foreigners  resident 
among  them."^  England  particularly,  as  if  deter- 
mined to  make  apparent  to  the  universe  her  own  in- 
consistency, has  furnished  peculiar  facilities  for  na- 
iiiralising  seafaring  men  of  all  nations.  Tlie  short 
period  of  two  years  serving  aboard  British  vessels; 
marriage  Avith  a  native  in  her  ports;  and  voluntary 
enlistment  aboard  her  men  of  war,  form  a  sufficient 
gt ound  for  claiming  them  as  subjects.  The  sove- 
reign of  Britain,  while  he  denounces  as  a  traitor, 
every  native  of  his  empire  found  in  arms  against 
him,  forces  to  fight  against  his  own  country,  the 
native  of  whatever  nation ;  and,  as  if  determined  to 
claim,  what  is  most  unreasonable  and  tyrannical, 
within  the  compass  of  human  thought,  he  compels  to 
the  battle  in  the  Provinces  of  Upper  and  Lower  Ca- 
nada, American  emigrants  naturalized,  even  since 
the  declaration  of  the  present  war.  The  plain  lan- 
guage of  English  royal  proclamations,  illustrated  by 
the  practice  of  British  officers,  is,  "  all  the  states 
upon  earth  must  allow  emigrations  to  Britain,  but 
must  prohibit  emigrations  from  Britain  to  them:  the 
natives  of  our  own  soil,  and  those  of  other  countries, 
whom  we  naturalize,  shall  be  our  slaves  for  ever; 

"**  *'  A  nalioa  may  grant  to  a  strauger  the  quality  of  a  citizen,  by 
admitting  him  to  the  boily  of  the  political  sociely.  This  is  called 
naturalisation.'"'     Vattcl,  Sfd.  214. 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  175 

but  let  no  other  commonwealth  dare  to  protect  a  na- 
turalized foreigner."* 

*  Notwithstanding  this  exclusive  claim,  of  prohibiting  emigra- 
tion, anil  encouraging  naturalization,  as  suits  her  own  convenience, 
Great  Britain  gives  to  her  subjects,  those  reasons  which  require  the 
exercise  of  the  natural  and  unalienable  right  of  expatriation.  She 
violates,  in  every  instance,  the  pact  of  society.  1.  She  does  not 
afford  to  industry  and  enterprise,  similar  encouragement  to  that 
which  is  given  in  America.  For  (he  means  of  a  comfortable  sub 
sistence,  thousands  are  constrained  to  emigrate :  others  expatriate 
themselves,  to  improve  a  condition  already  comfortable;  and  a 
much  greater  number  would  follow  the  example,  could  they  com- 
mand the  means  of  transportation  to  the  hospitable  shores  of  Colum- 
bia. 

2.  The  British  Government  does  not  fulfil  its  obligations  to  the 
citizens,  in  governing  them  by  equal  laws.  The  scale  upon  which 
the  representation  is  graduated,  prevents  freemen  from  giving  their 
suffrages  for  those  who  make  the  laws  :  and  they  have  of  course,  a 
right  to  remove  to  a  country,  in  which  society  is  organized  upon 
more  liberal  principles. 

3.  Religion  is  violated,  aad  pious  men  are  placed  under  political 
disqualification,  and  forced  to  support  a  system  of  faith  and  worship, 
io  which  they  cannot,  as  honest  and  good  men,  give  their  assent. 
To  the  corrupt  establishment  they  are  compelled  to  give  the  tithes 
of  all. 

A  very  large  proportion  of  the  population,  and  the  most  religious 
part  of  it  too,  in  England  and  in  Scotland,  is  among  the  dissenters 
from  the  national  system  of  worship ;  and  in  Ireland^  there  is  nofe 
probably  one  out  of  ten  who  belongs  to  the  established  church. 

We  have  heard  in  this  country,  of  the  claims  of  Irish  Catholics 
for  emancipation  ;  but  the  reason  of  rejecting  their  claim  is  not  ge- 
nerally knowji.  It  is  not  from  any  dislike  that  the  high  church- 
men have  to  the  Roman  religion ;  but  from  their  hatred  and  fear  of 
the  Protestant  dissenters.  The  watchmen  of  the  political  religion 
of  England,  now  stand  with  the  Sacramental  Test  in  their  hand,  to 
guard  the  passage  to  power.  The  Independents,  the  Baptists,  the 
Methodists,  the  Presbyterians,  the  whole  body  of  Protestant  dis- 


176  TJiE  CADSKS  or 

5  The  Right  of  Expatriation  appeal's  from  the 
Ghsurdity  of  the  doctrine  of  perpetual  fealty  to  the 
place  of  nativity. 

In  the  decision  of  tbis  question,  every  man  of 
piety  has  an  interest.  However  few  the  men  who 
reason,  in  order  that  they  may  understand  ;  and  exa- 
mine moral  subjects,  in  order  that  they  may  discharge 
their  duty,  there  are  still  some,  1  trust,  who  would 
rather  suffer  on  the  spot  which  gave  them  birth,  tlian 
leave  it  for  ever,  if  by  so  doing  they  must  violate  the 
laws  of  morality,  and  sin  against  their  God. 

Upon  the  principle  which  I  am  opposing,  sad,  sad 
indeed,  would  be  the  condition  of  man.  The  child 
is  pinned  down  in  the  place  of  his  nativity  as  in 
a  prison ;  and,  unto  its  local  authorities  he  is  for  ever 
in  thraldom.  The  African  and  the  Hindoo  dare  not 
leave  his  country  for  another.  The  Frenchman  and 
the  Spaniard  must  never  throw  off  allegiance  to 
Louis  and  to  Ferdinand.  To  the  Prince  Regent 
of  England,  the  emigrant  must  continue  in  subjec- 
tion, although  he,  in  an  unhappy  hour,  has  perjured 
himself,  in  disclaiming  his  authority,  and  becoming 
a  naturalized  citizen  of  this  republic.  And  by  the 
same  rule  of  obligation  to  the  place  of  birth,  the 
authorities  of  Connecticut  extend  to  many  citizens 
of  New- York;  the  local  jurisdiction  of  every  corpo- 

Ecnters,  are  the  olyects  of  opposition.  The  late  bishop  of  Loudon, 
Randolph,  avowed  liis  enmity  ;  and  threatened  to  suppress,  all  dissen- 
ters from  the  establishment,  in  his  own  diocese. 

Is  not  this  a  reason  for  exercising  the  right  of  expatriation  2 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  177 

ration  of  a  city  or  a  village  perpetually  binds  every 
one  born  within  their  respective  limits.  According 
to  this  morality,  my  iiearers,  you  are  guilty  of  trans- 
gression, for  having  left  the  township  in  which  you 
drew  the  first  breath;  and  in  order  to  avoid  funher 
guilt,  you  must  return  whence  you  came,  and  leave  be- 
hind you  the  wives  and  the  children  you  have  gotten 
in  this  city ;  for  here  they  must  remain  until  they  re- 
tire to  the  tomb.  You  must,  instead  of  encouraging 
a  free  and  honourable  intercourse  among  men  of  all 
nations  and  kingdoms,  in  order  to  make  them  live 
as  one  great  rational  family  of  the  same  blood : 
instead  of  encouraging  a  rivalship  in  equity  and 
honour  among  the  nations,  and  a  spirit  of  personal 
freedom  and  generous  feeling  among  the  natives 
of  every  clime  and  kindred — instead  of  this,  you 
must  require  that  man  be  chained  to  his  birth-place ; 
that  suUenness,  and  non-intercourse,  and  jealousy, 
and  hatred,  be  cherished;  and  that  society  be 
cut  up  into  minute  sections,  with  feelings  and  with 
views  graduated  upon  the  puny  scale  of  counties 
and  of  townships.  Then  will  Aristocracy  perpetuate 
her  dominion,  and  Despotism  horribly  smile  from 
her  bloody  but  triumphant  car. 

The  absurdity  of  this  doctrine  is  so  obvious  to 
the  christian,  that  I  am  astonished  to  find  among  the 
professed  followers  of  my  Redeemer  any  of  its  ad- 
vocates. The  man  who  inculcates  perpetual  alle- 
giance to  the  place  of  birth,  assuredly  calculates 
largely  upon  the  amount  of  human  ignorance  and 
folly;  he  ventures  far  upon  the  slavish  feelings  of  hi;? 

23 


17S  THE   CAUSES   OF 

partisans,  but  lie  does  little  credit  to  his  own 
discernment  or  beneTolence.  1  cannot  but  infer, 
that  God  has  bestowed  a  scanty  supply  of  brains 
upon  the  man  that  denies  the  right  of  expatriation  ; 
unless  indeed  by  a  course  of  imcomnion  depravity, 
he  has  himself  destroyed  the  finer  fibres  of  the  heart. 
Far  different  from  his,  is  the  morality  of  the  chris- 
tian religion. 

6.  With  the  'scriptural  argument,  I  close  my  de- 
fence of  a  man's  right  to  choose  his  country. 

The  scriptures  inform  us,  that  God  gave  the  earth 
to  the  children  of  men.  It  was  his  will  and  com- 
mand, that  it  should  be  peopled  from  one  pair. 
God  said  unto  them,  be  fruitful,  and  multiply ,  and  re- 
plenish the  tarth.^  But  this  order  could  not  be  exe- 
cuted, unless  the  children  should  emigrate  from  the 
place  of  their  nativity,  settle  in  other  countries,  and 
form  new  societies.  There  is,  moreover,  no  provi- 
sion made  in  the  scriptures,  for  keeping  the  colonies 
in  perpetual  subjection  to  the  parent  state.  This 
would  make  the  whole  world  subject  to  one  unwiel- 
dy despotism.  Upon  the  contrary,  we  are  assured, 
that  when  religion  prevails  over  all  the  earth,  there 
shall  still  be  distinct  nations,  which  Satan  shall  deceive 
no  more  ;t  there  shall  still  be  distinct  kingdoms — 
even  the  kingdoms  of  this  world,  that  shall  become 
the  kingdoms  of  our  Lord  and  his  Christ.  In  confor- 
njity  to  this  principle,  the  Governor  of  the  universe, 

*  Gen.  i.  28.  +  Rev.  xx,  3. 


THE   PRESENT   WAK.  179 

at  an  early  age,  when  men  formed  the  plan  of  ad- 
hering together  in  one  great  and  corrupt  society, 
performed  a  miracle  to  prevent  the  evil ;  and,  so  the 
Lord  scattered  them  abroad  from  thence^  vjjon  the 
face  of  all  the  earth.*  Instead  of  permitting  the  so- 
vereign of  every  country,  to  deceive  the  subject 
with  claims  of  perpetual  allegiance,  God  command- 
ed Abram  to  expatriate  himself  The  father  of  the 
faithful  obeyed,  and  left  his  native  country.  In 
vain  would  the  kings  of  the  Canaanites  claim,  as 
bound  to  serve  them,  the  descendants  of  Abram, 
born  in  their  territories.  Jacob  removed  with  his 
family  to  Egypt ;  and  even  tliere,  notwithstanding 
the  power  of  the  monarchy,  they  claimed  the  right 
of  being  considered  as  a  distinct  people,  and  of  emi- 
grating at  their  pleasure  from  the  land  of  bondage. 
The  proclamations  of  the  Prince  of  Britain  would 
have  passed  for  morality  at  the  court  of  Pharaoh; 
but  Moses y  without  fearing  the  wrath  of  the  king, 
said  unto  him.  Let  my  people  go.f  The  tyrant  ulti- 
mately suffered  the  punishment  of  his  crimes,  when 
he  attempted  to  reclaim,  as  native  subjects,  the  Is- 
raelitish  emigrants.  Pharaoh,  and  his  host,  his  cho- 
sen captains  also,  were  drowned  in  the  Red  Sea. 

Moses  did  not  offend  the  laws  of  morality,  al- 
though in  despite  of  native  allegianccy  he  invited  Ho- 
bob  to  expatriate  himself  from  3Iidian,  and  accept 
of  naturalization  in  the  commonwealth  of  Israel. 
Come  thou  with  us,  and  we  will  do  thee  good — Leave  ns 

*Gen.  xi.  8.  t  Exod.  v.  'i,&:c. 


180  I'HE    CAUSES   OF 

not,  I  pray  thee — and  it  shall  he,  if  thou  go  with  us, 
that  what  goodness  the  Lord  shall  do  unto  us,  the  same 
will  we  do  unto  Ihcc.^ 

I  will  not  pursue  this  discussion  further.  I  trust  I 
have  aheady  sufficiently  vindicated  the  principle 
upon  which,  I  myself,  in  common  with  many  of  my 
hearers,  and  of  my  fellow-citizens  in  Pvew-York, 
have  acted.  The  principle  upon  which,  the  minis- 
ters of  religion  must,  in  many  instances  act,  in  con- 
formity to  the  command  of  the  Prince  of  the  kings 
of  Ihe  earth.  Go  ye  into  all  nations — preach  the 
gospel  to  enery  creature;  and  lo,  lam  with  you,  even 
unto  the  end  of  the  world — the  principle  of  expa- 
triation. 

There  are,  I  feel  and  acknowledge,  many  tender 
ties  to  bind  us  to  our  native  country.  We  cherish, 
in  fond  recollection,  the  scenes  and  the  partners  of 
our  youthful  days.  We  revere  the  land  of  our  fa- 
thers, and  the  place  of  their  sepulchres.  We  look 
back  on  the  friends  that  we  have  left  behind :  we  de- 
sire their  welfare  :  we  cultivate  their  correspon- 
dence ;  and  we  are  not  ashamed  to  call  them  bre- 
thren. If  we  have  left  the  national  society,  and  have 
thrown  off  allegiance  to  their  rulers,  we  count  it  no 
dishonour  to  have  been  born  in  a  territory,  where 
arts,  and  science,  and  literature,  and  heroism,  and 
patriotism,  abound.  Even  now,  I  can  gladly  trans- 
})ort  myself  on  fancy's  wings  to  my  native  hills.     1 

*  Numb.  X.  29—32. 


THE   PRESENT  WAR.  181 

would  slill  listen  to  the  music  of  the  lark,  to  the 
bleating  of  the  flocks,  and  to  the  reaper's  song ;  and 
I  would  close  the  day,  in  the  bosom  of  a  peaceful 
family,  with  a  solemn  hymn  of  thanksgiving  to  the 
Lord.  I  would  still  gaze  on  the  lofty  rock,  where 
the  eagle  builds  her  nest ;  admire  at  a  distance,  the 
cloud-capt  cliffs  of  Benmorc,  and  count  the  foaming 
billows  of  the  Atlantic,  rolling  among  the  basaltic 
pillars  of  Slaffa,  along  the  classic  shores  of  lona,^ 
to  the  bold  promontories  at  the  mouth  of  Lochlevan. 
I  bless  my  native  country,  and  take  pride  in  all  the 
excellency  of  her  sons.  Others  too,  feel  towards 
their  native  place,  as  I  do.  But  yet,  my  brethren, 
on  a  question  of  morality,  truth  must  decide.  Con- 
science, and  not  fancy,  must  make  the  application 
of  God's  law. 

I  have  frequently  felt  surprise,  at  the  influence  of 
national  feelings  over  the  moral  principles  of  men  of 
talents  and  of  virtue.  Some  men  of  that  description, 
men  too,  of  quick  sensibility,  of  high  and  honoura- 
ble feelings,  have  been  seen  listening  to  discussions, 
which,  in  denying  the  right  of  transferring  allegiance, 
charged  themselves  with  perjury.  For,  if  fealty  be 
unalterable,  the  oath  of  naturalization  is  a  falsehood. 
There  is  one  remarkable  part  of  the  character  of 
the  sons  of  Britain,  which  is  worthy  of  imitation  by 
the  children  of  Columbia.  It  is  their  attachment  to 
country.  It  is  often  extravagant  in  the  former,  and 
it  is  misplaced  when  directed  to  the  society  which 

*  IcohnkiU, 


182  THE   CAUSES   OF 

they  have  left,  more  than  to  that  of  which  they  have 
become  members ;  and  especially,  when  it  embraces 
the  guilty  crown  of  the  kingdom :  but  it  is  in  itself 
an  honourable  principle :  alas !  it  is  too  feeble,  in 
the  hearts  of  those  American  citizens,  who  admire 
the  moral  order  and  political  machinery  of  Great 
Britain,  more  than  they  seek  to  preserve  the  integrity 
of  their  own  republican  institutions. 

I  have  not  made  these  remarks  on  misplaced  attach- 
ment to  country,  with  a  view  to  apply  them  to  those 
emigrants  from  the  dominions  of  the  British  king,  who 
belong  to  this  congregation.  No.  To  you,  my  brethren, 
they  are  not  applicable.  In  common  with  those  chris- 
tians in  your  native  country,  and  in  this,  the  country 
of  your  choice,  who  are  bound  with  you  in  the  same 
faith,  and  in  the  same  covenant,  you  embrace,  as  a  part 
of  your  christian  doctrine,  the  principle  of  expatria- 
tion. You  disclaim,  by  the  solemnities  of  religion, 
allegiance  to  the  corrupt,  political,  and  ecclesiastical 
system  of  British  misrule.  That  rvas  your  country. 
It  is  so  no  more.  To  our  brethren;  yea,  to  every 
man  in  that  empire,  we  wish  health,  and  happiness, 
and  eternal  life.  But  this  country,  although  we  see 
and  lament  the  evils  which  appertain  to  its  inhabit- 
ants and  to  its  government,  this  country,  is  now  be- 
come our  own.  Here  we  have  voluntarily  settled. 
Here  we  have  married  our  wives.  Here  we  have 
our  homes.  Here  we  have  our  children  placed  as 
olive-plants  around  our  table  ;  and  here  we  expect  to 
leave  our  Jiesh  to  rest  in  hope,  when  the  last  breath 
shall  depart  from  our  nostrils,  and  the  spirit  shall  re- 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  183 

turn  to  God.  To  this  country,  during  the  present 
struggle  to  maintain  the  rights  of  expatriation,  to 
preserve  the  rights  of  the  stranger,  who  expects  not 
in  vain  to  find  hospitality — To  this  country,  we  wish 
success  in  the  present  contest.  We  pray  for  a  hap- 
py termination  of  the  strife,  and  for  a  speedy  resto- 
ration of  the  blessings  of  peace,  that  in  the  peace 
thereof  we  may  have  peace. 

Having  thus  vindicated  the  most  doubtful  part  of 
the  cause  of  America  in  the  present  war,  and  givea 
evidence  of  its  justness,  I  go  on, 

II.  To  show  the  Principles  upon  which  the  War 
may  he  lanfully  prosecuted. 

Besides  the  question  of  right  to  make  war  upoH 
an  offending  nation,  there  are  many  considerations 
to  be  taken  into  the  account  of  its  moral  character. 
Governments,  as  well  as  individuals,  have  not  unfre- 
quently  displayed  pride,  indiscretion,  and  malevo- 
lence, in  contending  for  their  unquestionable  rights ; 
and  have  thereby  given  a  character  of  inexpediency 
and  criminality  to  a  contest  which  might  have  been 
conducted  by  better  men  upon  moral  principles. 
Nor  is  the  fact  to  be  concealed,  that  the  virtuous 
part  of  a  community  are  justified  in  the  sight  of  God 
and  their  country,  in  keeping  aloof  from  a  contest, 
however  good  the  cause,  if  moral  evil  be  made  es- 
sential to  the  mode  of  carrying  it  on.  We  must  not 
do  evil  that  good  may  come  of  it.  If  the  terms, 
upon  which  admission  into  the  army,  like  the  British 


184  THE    CADSES   OF 

sacramental  iesty^  be  absolutely  sinful,  it  becomes 
a  duty,  even  when  the  cause  of  war  is  just,  to  reject 
tlie  terms,  and  of  course  to  withhold  a  support  which 
cannot  otherwise  be  afforded. 

It  is  evidently,  therefore,  both  the  duty  and 
the  interest  of  those  who  are  placed  at  the  head  of  a 
nation,  to  take  order,  that  the  wars,  which,  by  the  in- 
justice of  others,  they  are  compelled  to  wage,  be 
prosecuted  upon  equitable  principles.  If  it  should 
be  the  lot  of  a  conscientious  man  to  live  in  a  bellige- 
rent state,  which  wages  a  war,  just  in  its  causes,  but 
iniquitous  in  the  mode  by  which  it  is  conducted,  he 
has  only,  when  the  evil  is  beyond  his  remedy,  to 
withhold  his  personal  agency,  and  to  pray  that  the 
cause  may,  notwithstanding  the  sins  of  men,  be  pros- 
pered by  the  Lord.  No  iniquity  of  the  instrument 
can  justify  the  dereliction  of  a  good  cause.  Those,- 
of  course,  cannot  be  esteemed  as  virtuous  members 
of  any  community,  who,  under  the  plea  of  improvi- 
dence, of  weakness,  or  mismanagement,  upon  the  part 
of  rulers,  not  only  strive  to  prevent  the  success  of  a 
lawful  war,  but  also,  with  design  to  increase  the  na- 
tional embarrassment,  deny  the  justness  of  the  con- 
test. With  this  distinction,  obvious  to  every  man,  I 
shield,  from  the  charge  of  insincerity,  those  conscien- 
tious men  who  may  disapprove  of  the  present  ad- 
ministration and  the  conduct  of  the  war,  while  I 
make  no  apology  for  him,  who,  devoid  of  patriotism 
and  virtue,  calls  in  question  the  legitimacy  of  the 

*  See  page  71. 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  185 

contest  as  it  now  exists,  and  recommends  submission 
to  the  enemy — I  make  no  apology  for  liim,  who 
strives  to  prevent  the  success  of  his  country  in  the 
present  strife.  1  leave  him  to  the  comforts  of  his 
own  reflections,  knowing,  as  I  do,  that  whatever  may 
be  his  motives,  they  cannot  command  the  approba- 
tion of  his  country,  of  his  cotemporaries  in  other  lands, 
of  posterity,  of  his  conscience,  or  of  his  God.  With 
him,  therefore,  I  do  not  stoop  to  argue  the  question. 
To  others  I  say,  let  us  examine,  upon  moral  princi- 
ples, the  mode  of  prosecuting  the  present  war. 

I  am  not  the  eulogist  of  men  in  power;  neither 
do  I  give  Jlaitcring  lilies  to  man:  I  love  the  country 
of  my  choice,  and  I  pray  to  God  for  the  prosperity 
and  success  of  its  arms.  I  lament  whatever  of  inde- 
cision, and  imbecility,  and  improvidence,  and  mis- 
management, has  appeared  in  the  halls  of  legislation, 
in  the  executive  councils,  in  the  leaders  of  our  armies. 
I  could  fervently  wish,  and  devoutly  pray,  for  more 
firmness,  and  wisdom,  and  action,  and  for  more  ex- 
tensive resources  in  men  and  in  money  for  the  safety 
of  the  nation.  But  1  w  ould  not  dispute,  and  embar- 
rass, and  threaten,  for  the  purpose  of  producing  an  ef- 
fect, for  which  I  should  afterwards  blame  those  who 
were  irresolute  enough  to  listen  to  my  opposition.  I 
would  not  strive  to  bring  about  an  evil  for  the  sake  of 
condemning  it,  and  injuring  the  country.  I  would  not 
tempt  to  silly  for  the  sake  of  triumphing  over  the  fallen. 

I  submit  to  your  consideration  the  three  follow- 
ing principles;    belligerent   com7m(nitics  are    always 

24 


186  THE   PRli\CltLE3   UFOJf   1\'HICH 

to  be  consideredy  each  as  one  body — in  wary  the  natiom^r 
as  suchy  is  the  proper  object  of  attack — the  change, 
which  humanity  has  already  introduced  into  the  modes 
of  warfare,  should  not  be  diminishcdy  but  extended. 

I  shall  now  explain  these  principles,  and  apply 
lliem  to  tlie  mode  in  which  this  war  is  conducted. 

1.  In  a  slate  of  War,  we  must  consider  each  Com- 
mu?dty  as  one  Body. 

However  extensi^^e  an  empire,  however  nume- 
rous its  colonies  and  dependencies,  organized  into 
one  society,  and  subject  to  the  same  sovereign  power, 
when  that  sovereign  has  undertaken  war,  the  whole 
empire  is  called  upon  to  bear  a  part  in  its  prosecu- 
tion, and  the  other  party  in  the  contest,  has  a  right 
to  consider  it  as  one  body.  In  a  just  war,  tlie 
place  of  attack  is  a  question  of  expediency  :  and  the 
most  vulnerable  point  presents  itself  as  the  most  eli- 
gible.^ The  skill  of  the  general  in  battle  is  dis- 
played, in  arranging  his  forces,  and  in  selecting  the 
point  of  attack,  so  as  with  the  least  exertion  and 
danger  to  do  the  greatest  possible  injury  to  the  hos- 
tile battalions.  If  he  besieges  a  city,  he  will  select 
the  most  vulnerable  spot,  and  there  strike  the  blow. 
It  is  worse  than  trifling  to  allege,  that  this  is  pusilla- 
nimous or  immoral.  The  sole  object  of  a  just  war  i? 
to  make  the  enemy  feel  the  evils  of  his  own  injus- 
tice, and  by  his  sufferings  dispose  him  to  amend  his 
ways.  He  must  therefore  be  attacked  upon  the  most 
accessible  quarter. 

'  See  pages  126,  and  132. 


THE   WAR   IS    CONDUCTED.  187 

1  have  already  established  the  justness  of  the  pre- 
sent war.  Taking  that  for  granted,  I  now  inquire 
into  the  best  manner  of  giving  it  effect.  The  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case  leave  no  manner  of  doubt 
upon  this  subject.  Great  Britain,  separated  from  us 
by  the  wide  Atlantic,  exposes  no  point,  upon  which 
the  United  States  can  reach  her,  except  her  colonies 
and  her  shipping.  The  Canadas  and  her  commerce 
present  the  proper  objects  of  attack.  On  both  these 
points  she  feels ;  and  you  may  judge  of  her  feelings 
from  the  fact,  that  those  who  feel  with  her,  and  for 
her,  among  ourselves,  feel  most  upon  these  very  sub- 
jects. Her  fleets  and  her  armies,  those  instruments 
of  annoyance  to  others,  are  of  no  use  but  the  pro- 
tection of  her  colonies  and  commerce.  By  attack- 
ing and  conquering  them,  the  citizens  of  America 
may  acquire,  and  have  acquired,  renown ;  but  it  is  by 
capturing  that  which  they  protect,  and  for  which 
alone  they  are  supported,  that  the  enemy  can  be 
brought  to  feel,  to  reason,  and  do  justice. 

Upper  Canada,  particularly,  presented  to  the 
United  States  the  most  eligible  theatre  for  the  con- 
test, li  was  the  most  accessible  part  of  the  enemy's 
territory, — the  possession  of  it  would  prove  the  de- 
fence of  an  extended  frontier  from  the  ravages  of  the 
foe,  and  from  Indian  barbarity — and  it  might  be  held 
as  an  equivalent  until,  for  the  sake  of  its  restoration, 
the  enemy  would  be  constrained  to  do  justice. 
These  considerations  put  the  policy  of  attacking  it 
beyond  a  doubt.  And  the  cquili/  of  it  necessarily 
follows  from  the  justness  of  the  war  itself.  Do  you 
43oubt  this  ?  Show  me  wherefore,  and  T  Avill  answer 


188  THE  PRINCIPLES   UPON   WHICH 

you.     Set  your  arguments  in  array,  and  my  reply  is 
at   hand.     "  The  inhabitants  of  Canada  have  com- 
mitted no  oflcnce."     Is  tliis  your  argument?  Who 
then  has  ofTended  ?     The  Soldier,  the  Sailor  ?    No. 
The  Minister,  the  Regent?   Will  you  then  despatch 
a  messenger  of  piivate  vengeance  to  assassinate  the 
ofi'ending  sovereign,  rather  than  attack  his  dominions, 
and  his  colonies,  and  his  troops,   and  his   ships  of 
war?  But  you    are  mistaken.     The  Canadians  have 
offended.     Tiiey  have  made  a  common  cause  with 
their   sovereign.      In  him  jvho  represents  them    they 
have  offended.     Let  them  peacefully  distinguish  them- 
selves from  him,  and  remain  as  non-combatants  in  the 
possession  and  use  of  their  property — and  these  in- 
nocents shall  then  be  unmolested.     It  is  not  against 
the  unoffending  Canadians,  it  is  against  the  king's 
troops,  and  the  king's  fleet,  and  against  the  king's 
territories,  that  the  United  States  wage  this  war  on 
the  waters  and  the  shores  of  Erie,  Champlain,   and 
Ontario.     And  you,  too,  I  suspect,  from  the  nature 
of  your  remark,  do  not  so  much  dispute  the  legiti- 
macy of  this  part  of  the  war,  as  you  dislike  the  whole 
cause.     Sympatliy  with  the  Canadians  has  frequently 
been  affected   as  a    benevolent  method  of   aiming 
a  side-blow  at  the  administration  of  the  government. 
This  may  be  considered   as  good  policy ;  but  it  par- 
takes not  of  the  candour  of  religion.     The  British 
empire,  like  the  human  body,  has  many  members,  and 
all  the  members  being  many,  are  one  body.  In  a  state 
of  war,  an  attack  upon  any  member  is  lawful.     In  a 
jnoral  point  of  view,  it  makes  no  difference  whether 
Ihe  blow  falls  upon  the  capitol  or  the  colony.     The 
whole  nation  is  one  bodv. 


THE    WAR   IS    CONDUCTED.  189 

2.  The  Nation  only  is  the  proper  Object  of  War, 

Humanity  prescribes  laws  for  belligerent  commu- 
nities. The  evils  of  war  are  necessarily  great ;  and 
they  ought  not  to  be  imnecessarily  increased.  Pri- 
vate persons  and  property,  whose  injury  cannot  af- 
fect the  controversy,  should  remain  unmolested. 
The  monuments  of  the  fine  arts  are  respected  by 
civilized  nations ;  and  none  but  barbarians  will  de- 
signedly destroy  elegant  edifices  or  libraries.  The 
plunder  of  hamlets  and  villages,  the  conflagration  of 
private  dwellings  and  barns,  can  have  no  other  effect 
than  multiplying  private  misery,  and  producing 
higher  degrees  of  exasperation;  for  the  rule  of  hu- 
manity, in  a  necessary  war,  is  to  inflict  no  injury  ex- 
cept what  will  affect  the  nation  as  a  body  politic, 
and  thus  subserve  the  proper  end  of  warfare. 

3.  Several  changes  favourable  to  humanity,  on 
the  mode  of  conducting  war,  have  already  ob- 
tained; and  such   ought  to  be  extended. 

It  is  highly  honourable  to  the  government  of  this 
republic,  that  a  proffer  has  been  made  to  the  enemy 
of  an  armislicey  ever  since  the  commencement  of 
hostilities,  upon  condition  that  he  should  desist, 
by  sea  and  by  land,  from  the  practices  which  called 
for  an  appeal  to  the  sword;  and  that  a  proposal 
has  been  made,  upon  terms  of  reciprocity,  for  repay- 
ing to  injured  individuals  the  losses  whicli  might  by 
them  be  incurred  during  the  continuance  of  the  con- 
test.   It  is  equally  dishonourable,  on  the  part  of  the 


190  THE    PKINCIPLES    UPO.\    WHICH 

foe,  to  refuse  acceding  to  such  proposals.     On  him 
of  course  descends  the  guilt  of  every  injury. 

According  to  modern  usage  in  christian  nations, 
unauthorized  individuals  are  not  permitted  with  im- 
punity to  fall  upon  an  enemy.  Secret  means  of  an- 
noyance, such  as  poison  and  assassination,  are  dis- 
carded. The  persons  of  those  who  do  not  carry 
arms,  and  even  of  retainers  to  an  army,  are  in  safe- 
ty. Prisoners  are  not  enslaved,  but  treated  with  re- 
spect. Officers  are  dismissed  on  their  parole.  Pre- 
datory excursions,  and  pillage  of  every  kind,  are  dis- 
countenanced ;  and  the  horrors  of  war  accordingly 
mitigated.*  This  reform  has  been  effected  princi- 
pally through  the  influence  of  the  christian  religion  : 
a  religion  distinguished  by  its  harmony  with  the 
most  correct  principles  of  national  law.  It  ought  to 
be  extended  in  its  benign  influence  to  other  prac- 
tices, still  admitted  by  the  law  of  nations;  but  highly 
injurious  to  morality.  It  ought  to  be  extended  to 
the  practice  of  privateering,  and  to  that  which  gives 
origin  to  privateering;  the  practice  of  capturing  j?ri- 
t'fl/e  property  of  any  kind  upon  the  ocean,  by  public 
armed  vessels,  whether  in  peace  or  in  war.  There 
are  many  cogent  reasons  for  opposing  the  practice 
of  taking  private  property  on  the  high  seas.  It  is 
contrary  to  the  golden  rule,  "  do  unto  others  as  you 
would  that  they  should  do  unto  you."  It  is  robbing 
men  of  the  fruits  of  their  industry;   for  it  allows 


See  oa  this  sultject,  Paley,  Blaitens,   Vattel,  Bynkersliock, 
Pauli,  and  Moser. 


THE   WAR    IS    CONDUCTED,  ]9I 

them  no  equivalent  for  their  property.  It  cherishes 
avarice,  aheady  sufficiently  stimulated  by  commer- 
cial cupidity.  It  entirely  destroys  much  property, 
without  advantage  to  any  one.  It  endangers  and 
sacrifices  many  valuable  lives.  It  retards  the  pro- 
gress of  civilization.  It  increases  the  burden  and 
expenditure  of  nations,  by  giving  occasion  for  fleets 
of  armed  vessels,  for  defence  and  pillage.  It  is  in 
the  present  condition  of  the  world,  the  principal 
source  of  dispute  and  strife,  of  national  quarrels,  and 
of  public  wars.  Therefore  is  it  devoutly  to  be 
wished,  that  pious  men,  in  every  country,  should, 
with  one  consent,  set  their  faces  against  so  great  an 
evil ;  and  support,  with  every  exertion  in  their  pow- 
er, those  able  civilians  among  the  nations,  who  are 
endeavouring,  on  this  very  head,  to  meliorate  the 
code  of  public  law.'^     The  only  ground  upon  which 

*  There  is  some  reason  to  hope,  that  the  lime  is  approaching, 
when  the  principle  for  which  I  coniend,  wH!  be  in  lact  admitted  as 
a  part  of  the  law  of  nations:  not  simply  as  it  rcs\iects  privateers ; 
but  also  as  it  respects  public  armed  vessels. 

Privateering,  I  acknowledge,  is  more  obviously  v^rong,  than  cap- 
tures of  merchantmen  by  national  ships  of  war.  It  is  that  kind  of 
the  invasion  cf  private  right)  which  is  most  extensive  in  its  inju- 
rious effects,  most  level  to  the  capacities  of  ordinary  minds,  most 
calculated  to  excite  the  aversion  of  christian  sensibility,  most  per- 
nicious to  the  general  morality  of  the  community,  by  multiplying 
the  number  of  adventurers,  who  seek  and  share  the  plunder  of  un- 
offending fellow-mcn  :  but  the  evil,  the  radical  evil,  lies  in  the  in- 
vasion of  private  right  at  all. 

To  the  total  abolition  of  this  practice,  I  see  ia  the  state  of  the 
nations  no  formidable  barrier,  except  what  is  presented  by  the  po- 
licy of  Great  Britain.  It  is  her  navy  that  plays  the  criminal  game 
in  times  of  peace  and  war.  It  is  reasonable,  however,  to  expect, 
(hat  during  the  present  repose  of  the  nations,  they  will  ask  one  an- 


l9i  THE   PRINCIPLES   UPON   WHICH 

I  justify  this  country  in  pursuing  this  practice,  is  that 
of  visiting  upon  the  enemy,  the  evil  which  his  injus- 
tice merits.  That  ground  is  sufficient.  It  is  the 
ground    upon  which  rests   the  equity   of   the    war 

other  the  question,  How  long  shall  England  be  permitted  to  enjoy 
the  exclusive  commerce  and  dominion  of  the  ocean  ?  Shall  it  be 
for  ever?  It  is  reisonable  to  expect  they  will  devise  means,  in  con- 
cert, for  asserting  the  freedom  nf  the  seas. 

I  know  that  this  is  necessary  to  public  justice.  I  know  it  is  ne- 
cessary to  a  permanent  peace  in  the  world.  I  know  it  is  pro- 
mir^ed  in  the  word  of  God,  I  know  it  will  be  brought  to  pass.  In 
despite  of  the  example,  and  the  influence  of  Great  Britain,  I  find 
throughout  Europe  and  Americfi,  an  increasing  dislike  to  the 
practice  oi' private  plunder  on  the  ocean. 

Christian  sensibility,  in  this  city,  and  throughout  the  country, 
is  averse  from  privateering.  Some  American  civilians,  and 
among  others,  Mr.  Chancellor  Kent  of  this  state,  (a  man  who, 
while  Chief  Justice,  ably  vindicated  the  christian  character  of  the 
commonwealth,  in  affirming  the  decision  that  blasphemy  against 
the  Saviour  is  a  crime.)  have  protested  against  privateering.  It 
would  be  doing  injustice  to  their  intellect  and  their  patriotism,  to 
say,  that  while  condemning  it  here,  they  justifj'  it  on  the  part  of 
the  enemy ,  that,  while  condemning  the  practice  of  privateering, 
they  approve  of  the  principle  of  plunder  by  public  armed  vessels; 
that,  while  condemning  the  invasion  of  private  right,  as  a  weapon 
of  war,  they  allow  the  morality  of  it  in  times  of  peace.  I  rather 
class  them  with  those  writers  on  public  law,  who,  while  they  ad- 
mit that  ii  is  among  the  usages  of  nations,  desire  to  have  the  code 
of  national  law  altered  and  amended.  I  rather  class  them  with 
those  distinguished  civilians  of  France,  who  adorned  the  reign  of 
the  Emperor  Xapoleon,  by  raising  up  that  imperishable  monument 
of  legal  talent,  the  Civil  Code,  still  the  law  of  the  nation  whose 
throne  he  has  abdicated.  I  had  rather  class  them  with  the  framers 
of  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit,  that  remarkable  instrument,  which,  as  we 
learn  from  the  note  of  the  Duke  of  Bassano,  Paris,  April  2.5,  1812, 
to  the  Chancellor  of  Russia,  asserts  the  same  principle.  In  that 
note  are  the  following  very  liberal  and  correct  assertions.  "  His 
Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  has  acknowledged  at  Tilsit,  the 


THE   WAR   IS   CONDUCTED.  193 

itself.  War  under  the  best  form  is  an  evil — a  neces- 
sary evil.  Non  enim  est  ulla  defensio  contra  vim  un- 
quam  obtanda,  sed  nonnunquam  est  necessaria.^ 

CONCLUSION. 

I  NOW  bring  this  discourse  to  a  close,  with  a  sum- 
mary  of  my  reasons,  for  urging  upon  all  classes,  a 
cordial  support  of  the  defensive  measures,  which 
may  be  morally  and  constitutionally  employed,  by 
those,  who,  in  divine  providence,  have  the  manage- 
ment of  the  war  committed  into  their  hands.  If 
any  means  proposed,  should  appear  to  be  unconstitu- 
tional, let  those,  who  are  friendly  to  the  instrument 
which  binds  these  states  together  in  one  great  repub- 
lican confederation,  expose  their  inconsistency  by 
liberal  arguments;  but  let  them  still  support  their 

principle — that  the  nations,  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  rights,  might 
give  themselves  up  freely  to  the  exercise  of  their  industry —  that  the  in- 
dependence of  their  flag  should  be  inviolable,  and  its  protection  a  red' 
procal  duty  of  the  one  towards  tlie  otlierJ'* 

AzuNi,  on  Maritime  Law,  adduces  facts  to  show,  that  the  na- 
tions in  general,  are  approaching  a  state,  in  which  the  convention- 
al code  of  public  law  will  provide,  That  "  in  future  no  merchant- 
vessel  shall  be  stopped  or  seized,  unless  laden  with  articles  really  con- 
traband:''* and  Martens  gives  to  our  own  country,  the  credit  of 
being  first  in  this  work  of  reform.  "  In  the  Treaty  of  Commerce 
between  the  king  of  Prussia  and  the  United  States  of  America, 
1785,  Art.  23,  the  first  example  has  been  given  of  a  convention, 
in  virtue  of  which,  all  mercliant  and  trading  vessels  employed  in  the 
exchange  of  the  productions  of  different  places,  shall  pass  freely,  and 
mtkout  molestation,''' 

'  Cicero. 
25 


194  CONCLUSION. 

country  in  the  contest.  If  any  of  these  measure* 
should  be  immoral,  let  Christians  avoid  touching^  tast- 
ing, or  handling  the  unclean  thing;  but  let  them  still 
love  their  country ;  and  in  every  thing  consistent  with 
a  good  conscience  sanctified  by  the  Lord,  promote 
the  cause  in  which  the  nation  is  embarked  against  a 
powerful  and  unjust  enemy. 

If  negotiation  should  fail  to  secure  a  speedy 
peace,  the  dangers  of  the  country  call  for  unanimity 
in  the  strife  of  blood  and  battle.  In  that  case,  sup- 
porting the  war  will  be  the  means  of  preserving  the 
union  of  the  states:  and  this  is  unquestionably  de- 
sirable. Whatever  mistaken  individuals  may  say 
of  the  collision  of  interests,  and  the  rivalry  existing 
betAveen  the  north  and  the  south,  the  east  and  the 
west;  every  state,  every  part  of  this  extensive  em- 
pire, has  a  deep  interest  in  perpetuating  the  federal 
connexion.  It  is  the  means  of  preventing  those  col- 
lisions and  jealousies  from  coming  to  an  open  rup- 
ture— it  is  the  means  of  internal  peace  and  friend- 
ship— it  is  tlie  means  of  promoting  their  commerce, 
their  manufactures,  and  their  agriculture — it  is  the 
means  of  cultivating,  by  suitable  encouragement,  the 
sciences  and  the  liberal  arts — it  is  the  means  of  pre- 
serving unimpaired  the  liberties  of  the  people,  and 
guaranteeing  the  forms  of  their  democratic  policy — 
it  is  the  means  of  defence  against  foreign  enemies, 
waiting  to  divide,  and  anxious  to  destroy — it  is  the 
means  of  securing  religious  liberty,  together  with 
the  purity,  the  peace,  and  the  growth  of  our 
churches.    The  several  religious  denominations,  al- 


CONCLUSION.  195 

ready  weakened  by  dissention,  would  become  still 
more  weak,  if  the  parts  of  each  ecclesiastical  body 
situated  in  the  different  slates,  were  cut  asunder  by 
political  distinctions,  which  must  turn  brother  against 
brother.  Such  a  state  of  things  would  prevent  all 
liberal  intercourse  among  Christians,  scattered  over 
this  land  from  north  to  south;  and  if,  by  renewing 
in  America  the  local  favouritism  and  the  political 
priestcraft  of  the  old  world,  some  particular  clergy- 
men might  rise  to  a  higher  eminence,  true  religion 
would  suffer  by  the  change ;  and  the  more  ingenu- 
ous and  humble  men,  would  become  more  limited  in 
their  influence  and  usefulness. 

I  would  urge  the  support  of  the  war,  because  I 
earnestly  long  for  a  permanent  peace.  You  know 
the  enemy.  His  claims  will  rise,  by  his  successes; 
and  fall,  in  proportion  to  his  defeats.  The  more  he 
suffers,  the  more  will  he  be  disposed  to  relinquish 
the  contest.  The  greater  his  danger,  the  sooner  will 
he  come  to  an  accommodation.  By  consistency  and 
unanimity,  America  might  have  finished  this  war  as 
soon  as  it  had  commenced.  It  is  only  by  affecting 
the  fears  of  the  foe,  that  he  can  be  made  to  listen  to 
the  voice  of  equity. 

I  would  recommend  the  support  of  this  war,  be- 
cause it  is  just.  The  United  States  ask  for  nothing, 
but  what  they  ought  to  have ;  what  it  is  lawful  for 
the  enemy  to  give ;  what  is  in  its  very  nature 
moral — the  protection  of  property,  and  personal 
liberty,  I  pray  for  success  to  these  righteous  claimis: 


196  CONCLUSION. 

I  pray  for  courage  to  the  warrior,  and  for  success  to 
the  armaments  by  which  the  plea  is  urged,  because 
the  cause  is  just — because  it  is  necessary  to  the  re- 
pose of  the  world — because  God  has  promised  that 
this  cause  shall  universally  prevaih 

In  offering  these  prayers,  I  know  that  they  are  in 
unison  with  the  prayers  of  my  brethren,  even  in  the 
country  with  which  this  nation  is  at  war — with  the 
prayers  of  all  Christians,  who  say,  from  the  heart, 
"thy  kingdom  comtP  1  speak  not  oi forms,  dictated 
by  courts,  and  used  by  the  priests,  whom  the  kings 
of  the  earth  keep  in  pay  to  overawe  their  subjects. 
I  speak  of  prayers,  dictated  by  the  Spirit  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ.  To  such  prayers,  my  petitions,  for  the 
ultimate  success  of  the  American  claims,  are  in  unison. 
>Should  you  travel  among  the  nations,  and  take  the 
suffrages  of  the  saints  every  where  on  earth,  you 
would  not  find  one  single-hearted  Christian,  who 
would  refuse  his  assent  to  these  principles — the 
sea  should  he  free  to  all  honest  enterprise — personal 
liberty  should  be  secured — and  every  man  should  be 
permitted  to  pursue  his  lawful  industry,  wheresoever  he 
chooses  to  take  up  his  abode.  These  are  the  princi- 
ples for  which  this  nation  contends  by  the  sword; 
and  therefore  do  I  pray  to  the  Almighty  God,  for 
their  full  success. — Amen. 


W:l 


THE     ENDS     FOR     WHICH     GOD      IN     HIS     PROVIDENCE' 
PERMITS     THE     EXISTENCE     OF     THIS     WAR. 

— — <*iWW»' 

SERMON  V, 

Come,  and  let  us  declare  in  Zdon  the  work  of  the  Lord 
our  God.    Jer.  li.  10. 

±  HEY,  whose  lot  it  is  to  live  in  the  midst  of  revo- 
lutions and  wars,  are  constrained  to  be  the  witnesses 
of  much  misery  and  sorrow.  Where  ignorance  and 
tyranny  prevail,  the  humane  have  only  to  mourn  in 
silence  over  their  calamities,  without  even  the  small 
consolation  of  proclaiming  to  the  world,  the  evils 
which  they  see  or  endure.  Wheresoever,  however, 
liberty  secures  the  right  of  expressing  one's  thoughts, 
and  especially  where  true  religion  begets  a  becom- 
ing magnanimity,  men  will  always  be  found  to  re- 
late the  tale  of  wo,  and  to  declare  their  opinions  of 
the  causes  and  consequences  of  present  sufferings.  It 
is,  moreover,  to  be  expected,  that  in  such  cases, 
some  diversity  of  sentiment  will  obtain  among  the 
most  unbiassed  and  virtuous.    The  complexness  of 


198  god's   PROVIJiENCE   IN 

public  affairs — the  imperfection  of  knowledge — the 
peevishness  and  the  passions  of  the  heart,  give  us  rea- 
son to  believe,  had  we  not  tlie  lights  of  history  to 
assure  us  of  the  fact,  that  without  any  uncommon 
degrees  of  depravity,  men  will  dispute  about  the 
several  interesting  concerns  of  social  life. 

The  sad  experience  of  the  churches,  and  particu- 
larly of  the  Reforwedy  proclaims  the  danger  to  their 
sons,  which  arises  from  the  tumults  and  the  changes 
of  political  empire.  During  the  concussion  of  na- 
tions, many  professors  of  religion  lose  their  reason 
and  their  faith :  and  it  requires  living  principle,  in 
connexion  with  the  Bock  of  ages,  to  prevent  being 
tossed  off,  and  buried  in  the  earthquake.  Therefore 
do  we  invite  christians,  during  the  present  struggle 
of  the  nations,  to  come  and  declare  in  Zion  the  work 
of  the  Lord  our  God. 

The  invitation  was  originally  given  by  the  pro- 
phet Jeremiah,  in  view  of  judgments  destined  to 
overthrow  the  Chaldean  government.  It  was  to  the 
wars  of  the  Medes  and  Persians,  he  gave  the  name 
of  the  work  of  the  Lord^  which  deserves  to  be  declar- 
cd  in  Zion,  the  church  of  Jesus  Christ.  The  narra- 
tive of  this  case,  affords  an  instructive  lesson.  It  is 
found  in  chap.  50,  &  51.  Jeremiah,  who  makes  the 
declaration,  deserves  to  be  held  up  to  vicAv  as  a  mo- 
del for  christian  ambassadors,  in  midst  of  scenes  of 
war.  He  was  descended  from  the  house  of  Aaron, 
and  of  course  a  priest,  as  well  as  a  prophet.  By 
early  piety,  a  remarkable  discernment  of  the  signs 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  1^ 

of  the  times,  an  affecting  tenderness,  and  by  an  un- 
yielding firmness  and  integrity,  he  was  qualified  for 
the  duties  of  an  arduous  ministry  ;  and,  although  he 
longed  for  a  release  from  his  labours,  and  his  v^ery 
body,  insomuch  as  to  curse  the  day  of  his  birth,  he 
was  continued,  for  the  instruction  of  the  church,  to 
old  age  upon  earth.  His  faithfulness  provoked  the 
resentment  of  the  great ;  and  among  those  whom  he 
laboured  to  instruct  and  to  save,  as  he  would  not  flat- 
ter, he  had  few,  if  any  friends.  They  forced  him  re- 
luctantly to  minister  to  them  in  Egypt  after  the  fall 
of  Jerusalem :  and,  even  there,  instead  of  consulting 
their  prejudices,  he  freely  proclaimed  unwelcome 
truths.  Persecuted  by  men,  his  only  consolation  was 
from  heaven :  and  his  happiness  on  earth  consisted  in 
doing  his  duty.  We  do  not  know  which  to  admire 
most,  his  magnanimity,  or  disinterestedness:  for 
when  Nebusnraddan,  the  Commander  in  Chief  of  the 
Chaldean  armament,  offered  him  an  establishment  in 
Babylon,  he  preferred  continuing  with  his  afflicted 
brethren,  who  had  never  treated  him  with  the  kind- 
ness or  esteem  due  to  his  worth. 

This  weeping  prophet  sympathized  in  the  suffer- 
ings of  a  people,  injured  and  invaded  by  the  foe. 
Many  of  them  were  already  in  captivity.  He  be- 
held the  noble  edifices  of  the  capital  smoking  in 
ruins.  He  dropped  a  tear  over  the  fallen  glory; 
and  turning  his  eyes  to  the  east,  over  the  mighty  wa- 
ters of  Euphrates,  to  Babylon,  the  enemy  of  his 
country,  now  in  the  full  tide  of  successful  war,  he 


200  sod's  providence  in 

exclaimed,  O  thou  that  drvellest  upon  many  waters, 
abundant  in  treasureSy  thine  end  is  come,  and  the  mea- 
sure of  thy  covetousness.^  Jeremiah  committed  to 
writing  the  predicted  judgments,  and  sent  them  by 
the  hands  of  Seraiah  to  Babylon,  with  orders,  that 
when  he  read  them  to  the  captive  Israelites,  they 
should  be  fastened  to  a  stone,  and  thrown  into  the 
Euphrates,  as  a  symbol  of  the  demolition  of  Chal- 
dean greatness.  While  predicting  these  judgments 
of  war  from  the  Lord,  destined  to  overthrow  that 
mighty  empire,  he  invited  the  saints,  in  the  words  of 
my  text,  "  Come,  let  vs  declare  in  Zion  the  work  of 
the  Lord  our  GodJ*' 

War  is,  in  a  certain  sense,  the  work  of  the  Lord — 
As  such  it  ought  to  be  understood  and  declared  by  a  re" 
ligious  people. 

Both  these  assertions  I  shall  endeavour  to  confirm 
and  apply,  and  shall  then  conclude  this  subject. 

I.  All  wars  are,  in  a  certain  sense,  the  work  of  the 
Lord  our  God, 

It  is  not,  in  its  own  nature,  pleasing  to  the  Deity, 
to  contemplate  either  the  evil  passions  or  the  suffer- 
ings of  men.  God  is  not  to  be  viewed  in  the  light  of 
an  arbitrary  and  capricious  tyrant,  that  sports  with 
the  miseries  of  his  creatures.    He  is  of  purer  eyes 

*Jcr.  n.  13. 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  201 

than  to  behold  evil,  and  cannot  look  on  iniquity.^  Ne- 
vertheless, he  not  only  admits,  but,  in  some  instan- 
ces, requires  war:  and  on  account  of  its  effects,  he 
brings  it  to  pass,  as  under  existing  circumstances,  suit- 
ed to  the  nature  of  his  government  over  such  crea- 
,  tares  as  the  sinful  children  of  men.  Shall  not  the  Judge 
of  all  the  earth  do  right  ?\  Shall  there  be  evil  in  a 
city,  and  the  Lord  hath  not  done  it  /J 

The  providence  of  God  extends  to  every  event — 
war  is  particularly  specified — and  the  wars  of  this 
age  of  the  world,  are  pointed  out  in  the  prophetic 
history. 

1.  The  providence  of  God  extends  to  every  event 
which  comes  to  pass. 

Provision  was  made,  in  the  counsel  of  his  own  will, 
before  any  part  of  creation  was  called  into  existence, 
for  all  that  the  Lord  doeth  with  his  creatures  in  time 
er  through  eternity.  A  man  of  imderstanding  pur- 
poseth  beforehand  what  he  shall  do :  it  argues  imper- 
fection of  intellect  or  of  power,  or  else  mutation  of 
disposition,  to  act  contrary  to  previous  resolution : 
omniscience,  omnipotence,  and  immutability  assure 
us,  that  God  ivorketh  all  things  after  the  counsel  of  his 
onyn  mill  ;^  and  as  he  willed  what  he  shall  himself  per- 
form, his  agency  extends  over  matter  and  mind 
.tip  every  event,  from  the  colouring  of  a  filament 

■  Hab.  i.  13.        +Gen.  xviii.  25.        %  Amos  iii.  6. 

§Epb.  i.  IT. 

26 


202  GOD  3  PROVIDEWCE  IW 

of  hair,  to  the  overturning  of  a  world.     The  very 
hairs  of  your  head  are  all  numbered.^ 

2.  War  is  particidarly  specified  in  several  parts  of 
the  sacred  volume,  as  a  work  of  God's  Providence 
over  human  affairs.  "Wherefore  it  is  said  in  the 
book  of  the  wars  of  the  Lord  what  he  did  in  the  Red 
Sea,  and  in  the  brooks  of  Arnon :  and  at  the  stream 
of  the  brook  that  goeth  down  to  the  dwelling  of  Ar. 
and  lietli  on  the  border  of  Moab."t 

I  shall  illustrate  this  doctrine  by  a  passage  from 
Siicred  history,  which  is  very  applicable  to  the  seve- 
ral inquiries,  which  piety  would  suggest  upon  hear- 
ing that  war  is  the  work  of  the  Lord  our  God. 

Ahah  king  of  Israel  proposed  to  Jehoshaphat 
king  of  Judah,  an  alliance,  for  the  purpose  of  waging 
war  against  the  Syrians,  of  which  the  latter  accept- 
ed ;  but  expressed  a  desire  to  consult  the  prophets 
respecting  the  nature  and  ends  of  the  contest.!: 
Jehoshaphat,  with  all  his  failings,  Avliich  although  nu- 
merous, appear  to  have  chiefly  proceeded  from  the 
mildness  and  indecision  of  his  character,  was  a  pious 
man,  who  revered  the  word  of  the  Lord.  Ahab  was 
of  an  opposite  character,  but  made  it  a  part  of  his 
policy  to  keep  a  numerous  ministry  depending  upon 
the  royal  bounty ;  because,  by  that  very  dependence 
he  might  calculate  upon  their  influence,  in  the  com- 
munity, to  favour  his  plans  of  ambition  and  tyranny 

•  Lake  xii.  7.    -j-Nuni.  xxi.  14.    1 1  Kings  xxii.  1 — 5. 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  203 

He  accordingly  summoned  a  council  of  piopliets, 
which  was  attended  by  about  four  hundred.  They 
knew  the  inclination  of  the  king  of  Israel :  they  were 
not  so  well  acquainted  with  the  will  of  the  King  of 
heaven :  and  they  did  not  hesitate  to  give,  what  their 
patron  expected,  the  sanction  of  their  religion  to  his 
belligerent  proposals.*  He  was  gratified;  but  his 
ally,  suspecting  the  character  of  Ahab's  prophets, 
was  not  satisfied:  he  inquired  for  some  teacher  of  di- 
vine truth,  worthy  of  more  confidence.  There  was 
one  of  that  description  at  hand.  Micaiah  the  son  of 
Imlah,  was  well  known  in  Samaria  for  his  plainness 
and  integrity ;  but,  as  might  be  expected,  of  such  a 
character,  that  he  was  not  in  favour  with  the  court. 
Though  constrained  to  respect  his  virtues,  they  dis- 
liked him  for  his  unyielding  disposition.  /  hate  him, 
said  Ahab,  for  he  does  not  prophecy  good  concerning 
mCy  butevil.f 

It  was  the  policy  of  the  king  of  Israel,  however, 
not  to  displease  or  disappoint  a  man  upon  whose 
co-operation  he  calculated  in  the  Syrian  war ;  and, 
in  order  to  gratify  Jehoshaphat,  Micaiah  was  admitted 
to  the  royal  presence^  Enrobed  in  state  apparel, 
the  two  allied  monarchs  sat  upon  thrones,  before  the 
gate  of  Samaria,  receiving,  in  the  presence  of  the 
populace,  the  homage  of  the  more  courtly  prophets, 
when  the  son  of  Imlah  approached.  He  came  along 
with  a  trusty  messenger  from  Ahab,  who  had  pre- 
viously solicited  a  favourable  reply  from  liim  to  the 

'  See  Terse  <5.  r  Verse  8. 


204  uod's  providence  in 

proposition  of  (he  kings.  Tlie  prophet  made  no 
stipulations,  save  expressing  a  determination  to  do 
his  duty.  AVhen  he  spake,  he  predicted  the  fall  of 
Aliab  in  the  battle.* 

Enraged  at  such  boldness,  the  king  ordered  the 
prophet  instantly  to  prison,  to  he  fed  2ipon  bread  of 
affliclion,  and  water  of  affliction,  until  he  should  him- 
self return  from  the  field  of  battle,  whither  he 
speedily  directed  his  troops  to  march.  And  Micaiah 
said,  if  thou  return  at  all  in  peace,  the  Lord  hath  not 
spoken  at  all  by  mej\  The  fact  verified  the  predic- 
tion. War  was  waged ;  and  Ahab,  in  despite  of  his 
cowardly  disguise,  fell  in  battle. 

The  words  of  the  prophet,  before  the  gates  of  Sa- 
maria, explain  in  what  sense,  war  waged,  by  sinful 
men  influenced  by  a  spirit  of  delusion,  may,  never- 
theless, be  said  to  be  of  the  Lord.  I  saw  the  Lord 
sitting  on  his  throne,  and  all  the  host  of  heaven  stand- 
ing by  him,  on  his  right  hand  and  on  his  left.  And 
the  Lord  said,  who  shall  persuade  Ahab,  that  he  may 
go  up  and  fall  at  Ramoth-gileadI — And  there  came 
forth  a  spirit,  and  stood  before  the  Lord,  and  said,  I 
will  persuade  him — /  will  go  forth,  and  be  a  lying  spi- 
rit in  the  mouth  of  all  his  prophets.  And  he  said,  go 
forth,  and  do  so.  Now  therefore,  behold,  the  Lord 
hath  put  a  lying  spirit  in  the  mouth  of  all  these  thy 
prophets,  and  the  Lord  hath  spoken  evil  concerning 
you.X 

•Verses  9—17.  i  Verse  28.  :t  Verses  19—23. 


THE   PRESENT  WAR.  205. 

From  this  account,  it  appears,  that  Ahab  and  his 
prophets,  seduced  by  an  evil  spirit,  voluntarily 
acted  and  sinned — that  the  Governor  of  the  world 
permitted  their  transgressions,  and  employed  their 
actions  to  answer  his  righteous  purposes — that  the 
contest  at  Ramoth-gilead  was  predestinated,  pre- 
dicted, and  brought  to  pass,  by  the  Lord  our  God. 

3.  The  rvarSf  which  are,  in  this  age  of  the  worlds 
carried  on  in  Christendom,  are  peculiarly  pointed  out 
in  prophecy  as  the  work  of  God, 

That  part  of  sacred  history,  from  which  I  have  ta- 
ken my  text,  very  readily  suggests  to  every  one,  fa- 
miliar with  the  Bible,  a  portion  of  New  Testament 
prediction  which  justifies  this  remark.  I  refer  to  the 
outpouring  of  the  sixth  Apocalyptical  vial.  It  is 
the  intimate  connexion  between  these  two  passages 
of  Scripture  that  induced  the  selection  of  my  text. 

The  prophecy  of  Jeremiah  respects  the  downfal 
of  the  ancient  Babylon.  This  is  "the  work  of  the 
Lord  to  be  declared  in  Zion."  The  event  took  place 
under  Belshazzar,  and  was  effected  by  the  united  ar- 
mies of  Darius  the  Mede  and  Cyrus  prince  of  Per- 
sia, conducted  by  the  latter,  the  greatest  general  of 
his  own  time. 

Media  and  Persia,  both  lay  to  the  east  of  Judea 
and  of  Chaldea,  and  on  this  account,  a  Jew,  writing  in 
Palestine  about  the  affairs  of  Babylon,  must  consi- 
der the  well-known  destroyers  of  Chaldean  great- 


:206  GOD  S  PROVIDENCE  m 

ness,  Cyrus  and  his  uncle  Cyaxares,  as  the  kings  of 
the  east.  For  twenty-one  years,  the  empire  of  the 
world  was  disputed  between  these  kings  and  the  ru- 
lers of  Babylon.  It  was  by  stratagem  they  at  last 
succeeded.  The  Euphrates,  which  runs  through  that 
eity,  was  diverted  at  immense  labour  from  its  chan- 
nel; and  when  the  waters  abated,  the  Medes  and 
the  Persians  marched  in  and  took  possession.*  This 
explains  the  w  ords  of  John  the  Diyine.  The  sixth 
angel  poured  out  his  vial  upon  the  great  river  Eu- 
phrates ;  and  the  waters  thereof  was  dried  up,  that  the 
way  of  the  kings  of  the  east  might  be  prepared.^ 

The  sixth  vial  designates  the  period  under  which 
we  live.  I  shall  not  here  repeat  what  I  formerly  said 
in  your  hearing,   in  my  Lectures   on  the  Period 

*  "  After  a  siege  of  nearly  two  years,  Cyrus  at  last  succeeded  iu 
faking  Babylon.  Understanding  that  a  great  annual  festival  was  to 
be  kept  at  Babylon,  he  sent  up  a  party  of  his  men  to  the  castle, 
leading  to  the  great  lake,  with  orders  to  break  down  the  bank, 
and  turn  the  whole  current  into  the  lake.  Towards  evening  he 
opened  the  head  of  the  trenches  on  both  sides  the  river  above  the 
city.  In  the  interim,  getting  all  his  forces  together,  he  posted  one 
part  of  them  at  the  place  where  the  river  entered  the  city,  and  the 
other  where  it  came  out,  with  orders  to  enter  as  soon  as  the  channel 
became  fordable.  By  the  middle  of  the  night,  both  parties  enter- 
ed, the  one  having  Gobrias,  and  the  other  Gadales,  two  revolting 
nobles  of  Chaldea,  for  their  guides.  Both  parties  met  at  the  pa- 
lace, surprised  the  guards,  took  possession,  and  slew  the  king. 
Tiiis  account  Herodotus  and  Xenophon  both  give  of  the  taking  of 
Babylon  by  Cyrus;  and  herein  they  exactly  agree  with  the  sacred 
scriptures." 

Pridcaux,  Vol.  J.  p.  153 — 155. 

1  Rev.  xvi.  12. 


THE   PRESENT  WAR.  207 

0F  THE  Vials,  to  prove  that  we  are  now  under  the 
sixth,  I  take  that  fact  for  granted.  The  fifth  intro- 
duced the  reformation.  The  seventh  will  introduce 
the  millennium.  The  intervening  judgments,  on  an- 
tichristian  nations,,  belong  to  the  sLxth. 

We  have  shown,  that  the  unclean  spirits  which  pro- 
ceed from  Satan,  doing  wonderSy  seducing  the  kings  of 
the  Roman  Earthy  and  even  of  the  whole  world,  to  go 
forth  to  war — three  unclean  spirits  likefrogSy  out  of  the 
mouth  of  the  dragon,  the  beast,  and  the  false  prophet, 
are,  the  principles  of  infidelity,  of  tyranny,   and  of 
hypocrisy,  supported  by  philosophists,  by  European 
monarchs,  and  by  corrupt  ecclesiastics,  producing 
wars,  and  gathering  the  nations  to  their  merited  judg- 
ments.   We  have  shown,  that  it  is  the  design  of  heaven, 
while  employing  that  terrible  machinery,  as  a  wo  to 
the  kingdom  of  the  man  of  sin,  to  destroy  the  im- 
mense resources,  which  the  establishments  of  the  old 
world  draw  from  their  system  of  foreign  coloniza- 
tion, and  its  dependent  commerce.     We  have  shown^ 
that  this,  the  object  of  the  sixth  vial,  began  to  be  ac- 
complished in  the  American  revolution  ;  and  that  the 
waters  of  Euphrates,  thus  diverted  from  their  channel 
through  the  midst  of  Babylon,  will  continue  to  flow 
more  and  more  in  another  course,  until  the  formei 
channel  is  dry,  and  the  corrupt  establishments  of  Eu- 
rope become  a  more  easy  prey  to  "  the  kings  of  the 
«ast,"  the  agents  of  their  ruin.     Of  this  vial  the  pre- 
sent war  is  a  part :  and  whatever  may  have  been  the 
intention  of  its  instigators  and  opponents ;  whatever 


^Q?  THE    CONSEQUENCFS    OF 

the  immediate  motives  of  its  origin  and  continuance, 
it  is  a  part  of  the  grand  scheme  of  Providence,  lo 
drying  up  the  waters  of  the  modern  or  mystic  Baby- 
lon; and  as  sucli,  it  is  in  a  peculiar  sense  the  work 
of  fbe  Lord  our  God,  which  it  behoves  us  both  to 
declare  and  to  explain  in  Zion.  But  this  leads  to 
ianother  part  of  my  discourse. 

II.   We  shall  show  the  several  ends  to  he  answered  hy 
this  ivar,  as  a  work  of  God's  good  providence. 

This  theme  of  discussion  recommends  itself,  in  a 
particular  manner,  to  christian  attention.  All  that 
love  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  will  regard  the  doings  of 
his  hand.  He  hath  exalted  his  throne  in  the  heavens, 
and  his  kingdom  ruleth  over  all.  Whatever  judgment 
Ave  form  of  the  views  and  the  actions  of  men  in  pow- 
er over  the  several  nations ;  it  is  our  incumbent  duty 
to  study  with  care  the  designs  of  heaven,  so  far  as 
they  are  developed  in  the  dispensations  of  his  pro- 
vidence. Behold,  as  the  eyes  of  servants  look  unto  the 
hand  of  their  masters,  and  as  the  eyes  of  a  maiden  unto 
the  hand  of  her  mistress :  so  our  eyes  wait  upon  the 
Ijord  our  Uod.'^ 

The  war  in  which  our  country  is  engaged,  is  a 

part   of    THE    GRAND    SCHEME    OF    GoD*S    PROVIDENCE, 

and  requires  that  we  consider  it,  both  as  it  respects 
this  nation  in  particular,  and  as  it  respects  the  gene- 
ral family  of  nations.  '  '** 

■■-  ifc 

*  Ps.  cxxiii.  2. 


rv 


THE   PRESENT   WAR. 


209 


We  can  discover  the  purposes  of  the  Deily  re- 
specting us,  only  by  means  of  his  revealed  will ;  and 
he  reveals  himself  by  his  wordy  and  his  works.  He 
hath  so  ordered  it,  that  we  are  at  war  with  a  great 
and  powerful  empire  :  and,  however  we  may  account 
for  the  fact,  by  the  contingencies  of  secondary 
causes,  it  is  not  to  be  denied,  that  it  comes  to  pass 
according  to  the  purpose  of  Hiiriy  who  worketh  all 
things  after  the  counsel  of  his  own  will.  He  does  no- 
thing in  vain.  The  effects  produced  were  intended 
to  be  produced ;  and  by  observing  these,  we  learn 
what  he  hath  designed  to  accomplish.  The  present 
war  appears  destined  by  the  God  of  heaven,  to  an- 
swer the  purposes  of  a  judgment — a  trial — and,  a 
henefit* 

J.  The  War  is  a  Judgment. 

The  sins  of  individual  transgressors  are  not 
punished  to  their  full  amount  in  this  life.  At  the 
last  day,  every  man  shall  receive  as  his  work  shall 
be.  But  nations  do  not  exist  as  bodies  politic  in  the 
world  of  spirits.  Divine  Justice  lays  hold  of  them 
accordingly  in  the  present  world,  and  metes  out  to 
them  their  merited  punishment.  The  transgressions  of 
this  empire  are  confessedly  numerous;  and  in  no 
.country  upon  earth  do  the  sins  of  different  individu- 
als require  more,  to  be  taken  into  the  account  of  the 
national  guilt,  than  those  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States ;  because  in  no  other  country,  are  the  people 
and  the  government  so  completely  identified  in  the 
constitution  and  administration  of  civil  power.     The 

27 


210  THE   DESIGN   OF 

moral  character  of  those  who  are  elected  to  office, 
is  known  to  their  constituents:  their  acts,  while  in 
office,  are  the  acts  of  the  community  which  they  re- 
present: the  offence  committed  by  public  men,  are, 
therefore,  justly  laid  to  the  account  of  the  common- 
wealth. It  is  a  fact,  that  we  suffer ;  and  had  we  not 
sinned,  such  sufferings  would  not  have  befallen  us. 
Therefore  hath  the  Lord  watched  upon  the  evily  and 
hrought  it  upon  us :  for  the  Lord  our  God  is  righteous 
in  all  his  works  which  he  dotth  :  for  we  obeyed  not  his 
voice,*     We  feel  our  sufferings. 

The  mind  is  harasse<l  by  anxiety ;  the  body  is  bro- 
jken  down  by  the  fatigues  of  Avarfare :  families  are 
separated  to  meet  no  more :  and  the  arts,  the  em- 
ployments,  and  the  comforts  of  domestic  life,  give 
way  to  the  labours  of  flight  from  the  scene  of  danger ; 
to  the  duties  of  the  camp,  and  of  the  field  of  battle ; 
and  to  the  collection  of  the  scattered  fragments  of 
what  remains  of  former  treasure. 

Property  is  rapidly  changing  hands.  The  Trader 
sees  his  ships  rotting  in  the  harbour,  and  become 
a  prey  for  worms.  His  capital  is  without  produc- 
tive employment,  and  gradually  melting  away  like 
the  April  snow.  The  Manufacturer,  the  Adven- 
turer, the  Sailor,  the  Soldier,  and  especially  the  Pub* 
lie  Contractor,  is  supported  or  enriched  on  the  public 
loss.  A  few  years  of  war,  will  make  many  rich  men 
poor,  and  some  poor  men  wealthy. 

^-  Dan.  ix.  14, 


THE   PRESENT  WAR.  211 

To  fatigues  and  vexations,  to  the  dissipation  of 
a  military  life,  to  the  effects  of  unhealthy  climate 
and  diet,  as  well  as  by  the  sword  of  battle,  many  fall 
as  victims,  and  leave  behind  them  the  widow  and  the 
fatherless,  bereaved  and  unprotected,  to  relate  the  tale 
of  sorrow.  Heavy  taxation,  for  the  present,  and  an 
accumulating  national  debt  for  the  succeeding  gene- 
ration, are  among  the  evils  incident  to  a  contest  like 
this,  and  in  all  these  sufferings  we  clearly  see  the  in- 
dignation of  the  Lord.  He  appointed  these  evils 
for  national  chastisement:  and  the  fact  must  be 
proclaimed  in  Zion  as  the  work  of  the  Lord.  It 
must  be  so,  for  he  hath  purposed  it :  and  it  shouM 
be  so,  for  he  is  holy. 

2.  The  War  is  a  Trial. 

It  would  be  no  less  comfortless  to  ourselves,  than 
ungrateful  to  a  merciful  God,  were  we  to  consider 
the  evils  which  he  brings  upon  us  solely  in  the  light. 
of  a  punishment.  War,  like  other  evils,  is  ordain- 
ed for  trial :  and  as  such,  Christians  will  improve  the 
dispensation.  While  it  corrects  for  previous  afid 
present  guilt,  it  makes  proof  of  the  remaining  good. 
Such  was  the  principal  character  of  the  afflictions  of 
Job.  Such  were  the  sufferings  of  primitive  perse- 
cution :  and  such  are,  in  a  great  measure,  the  evils 
of  a  nation  prosecuting  legitimate  warfare. 

In  the  present  state  of  this  country  the  community 
is  severely  tried,  as  to  the  degree  of  christian  libe- 
rality among  its  menabers — as  to  the  patriotism  of 


212  THE   DESIGN   OF 

the  rulers  and  the  people — and  as  to  the  worth  of 
their  free  republican  institutions. 

First.  The  contest  does  in  fact  show  where  Chris- 
Han  liberality  is  found,  and  in  what  degree  it  exists 
among  its  professors.  Charity,  respecting  the  dif- 
ferent opinions  of  christian  sects  and  denominations, 
has  long  been  a  favourite  doctrine  in  this  country. 
Whether  it  arises  from  true  benevolence,  or  from  in- 
difference to  religion  itself,  remains  to  be  shown.  If 
from  true  benevolence,  it  will  certainly  triumph 
over  political  animosities.  And  the  war  will  make 
it  appear  whether  these  party  political  distinctions, 
which  have  so  long  and  unhappily  existed,  can  be 
made  to  yield  to  Christian  attachments  to  such  a  de- 
gree, as  that  brother  can  listen  to  a  brother,  and  impar- 
tially esteem  him,  and  love  him  still,  although  of  dif- 
ferent sentiments  respecting  the  character  of  the 
present  war.   Charity  is  not  limited  to  a  political  sect. 

Second.  The  state  of  the  country  does  also  try  ef- 
fectually the  degree  o{  patriotism  which  is  still  to  be 
found  in  the  United  States. 

It  will  show  how  far  a  man  is  willing  to  suffer  for 
his  country — How  far  he  is  ready  to  sacrifice  views 
of  personal  interest  or  ambition — How  far  he  is 
prepared  to  give  up  with  the  pride  of  opinion,  sup* 
press  the  prejudices  of  party  spirit,  cast  off*  the  tram- 
mels of  that  electioneering  machinery,  wherewith  he 
has  been  held  in  bondage.  The  country  calls  for  una- 
nimity in  repelling  and  chabtising  the  foe.    In  the 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  213 

time  of  her  distress,  an  ample  opportunity  is  afforded 
to  the  hollow-hearted  patriot,  to  revile  her,  to  em- 
barrass her  counsels  and  proceedings,  and  like  Shi- 
mei,  at  Bahurim,  to  curse  her  as  guilty  before  God, 
in  hopes  of  rising  on  her  ruins.  But  this  is  the  time 
to  show  the  true  patriot,  of  whatever  party.  His  in- 
fluence and  his  advice ;  his  co-operation  and  support; 
his  wishes  and  his  prayers,  will  be  offered  up  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  contest  with  adequate  resources, 
until  victory  crown  with  success  the  efforts  of  his 
country,  and  procure  an  honourable  and  a  perma- 
nent pacification. 

The  patriotic  statesman,  had  he  personally  suffer- 
ed from  his  country  the  greatest  injustice,  would 
come,  in  the  present  crisis,  as  AristideSy  to  his  rival 
Themistocles,  and  offer  his  services,  in  giving  effect  to 
the  war,  for  the  good  of  his  country.  In  vain  do  they 
profess  Christianity,  who  will  permit  the  pagans  of 
Greece  to  exhibit  greater  degrees  of  disinterestedness 
imder  similar  circumstances.  It  is  to  be  hoped,  that 
in  this  hour  of  trial,  it  will  be  made  to  appear,  that 
Athenians  do  not  exceed  Americans  in  patriotism,  *^ 

Third.  The  present  war  is  a  trial  of  our  republi- 
can institutions. 

America  gave  to  the  civilized  world,  the  first 
specimen  of  a  country,  great  and  enterprising,  ca- 
pable of  order  and  prosperity  without  kings,  without 
nobles,  without  degrading  the  lower  classes  of  the 
community  into  a  state  of  servitude,  and  without 


214  THE   GOO»   EFFECTS   Oif 

making  of  religion  and  its  ministers,  an  engine  of 
political  power.  This  fact  is  known  in  Europe.  It 
is  already  admitted  every  where  by  men  capable  of 
reflection,  that  republicanism,  that  a  true  Representa- 
iive  Democracy  is  the  best  form  of  government  for  a 
people  at  peace.  But  can  it  endure  the  shock  of 
war?  That  is  the  question  which  has  been  answered, 
by  the  advocates  of  arbitrary  power,  in  the  negative. 
That  is  the  interesting  question  now  in  trial  by  this 
war.  If  we  succeed  in  this  contest,  the  superiority 
of  our  political  institutions  must  be  evident  to  our- 
selves, and  to  the  whole  world.  If  a  government, 
supported  but  by  half  the  strength  of  the  nation, 
without  fleets,  without  armies,  and  without  the  wealth 
which  gives  sinews  to  w  ar,  dared  to  declare  hostili- 
ties; if  a  republican  government,  without  veteran 
soldiers,  and  without  experienced  generals,  is  found 
capable  of  carrying  on  a  contest  with  the  most  pow- 
erful nation  on  earth,  a  nation  skilled  in  war,  at  the 
very  acme  of  her  greatness  and  glory,  victorious 
over  all  her  other  enemies,  with  an  immense  disposa- 
ble force :  and  if,  under  such  circumstances,  we  can 
procure  an  honourable  peace,  then  is  our  freedom 
secure,  then  shall  we  have'  confidence  in  one  an- 
other, and  become  the  admiration  of  the  world. 

3.     The  war  is  a  benefit, 

"  The  Lord  reigneth ;  let  the  earth  rejoice.  Cloude 
and  darkness  are  round  about  him:  righteousness 
and  judgment  are  the  habitation  of  liis  throne.  Zion 
heard  and  was  glad;  and  the  daughter  of  Judah  re- 


THE   PRESENT   WAK.  215 

joiced  because  of  thy  judgmentSy  O  Lord.  Rejoice 
in  the  Lord,  ye  righteous ;  and  give  j^thanks  at  the 
remembrance  of  his  holiness."* 

Whether  I  shall  be  able,  my  christian  brethren, 
to  specify  the  advantages  which  will  flow  from  this 
contest  or  not,  1  know  well  that  God  intends  it  for 
good.  Whether  1  shall  succeed  in  convincing  you, 
that  the  effects  which  I  am  about  to  mention,  will  in 
fact  follow,  or  that  even  when  they  come  to  pass, 
they  should  be  considered  as  a  public  benefit,  I  will 
not  now  venture  to  affirm:  but,  at  all  events,  the 
saints  are  required  to  rejoice  in  his  judgments ;  and 
these  judgments  must,  of  course,  give  cause  of  joy. 
Others  may  contemplate  the  prospect  before  them 
with  gloomy  apprehensions.  Let  them  cheerlessly 
cast  their  eye  upon  the  evil,  and  fall  into  despondence. 
Let  them  fret,  and  abuse,  and  curse  the  hand  that 
smites  them ;  but,  I  know  that  all  things  shall  work 
together  for  good.  Walking  by  faith,  our  eye  is  di- 
rected to  him  that  sitteth  upon  the  circle  of  the 
earth;  and  thus,  we  recommend  to  his  care  our 
bleeding  country,  confident  that,  in  this  struggle,  in 
vindication  of  its  injured  rights,  he  will  avenge  our 
cause,  and  execute  judgment  for  us. 

I  flatter  myself,  however,  that  I  shall  be  able  t® 
point  out  some  good  effects  which  the  Lord  intends 
to  bring  about  by  this  war. 

*Ps.  xcvii. 


216  THE   GOOD   EFFECTS   OF 

First.  In  its  very  greatest  evils,  I  can  perceive  ac- 
tual benefits.  The  sufferings  which  it  causes,  will 
exercise  the  saints  to  godliness,  and  promote  their 
holiness,  their  usefulness,  and  their  future  happiness. 
The  ciiange  in  the  state  of  property  which  it  produ- 
ces, must  inculcate  in  the  bosom  of  the  virtuous,  de- 
pendence on  God,  the  only  unchangeable  good  :  and 
as  to  others,  I  can  trust  to  the  wisdom  of  Heaven, 
since  God  knows  better  than  we  do,  in  whose  hands 
the  multitude  of  gold  and  silver  will  be  of  the  most 
value  in  the  world.  The  havoc  made  by  the  sv;ord, 
cuts  off  many  of  the  wicked  from  annoying  the 
earth;  and  the  godly  who  fall  are  delivered  from 
temptation  and  trouble,  and  hastened  home  to  the 
enjoyment  of  a  great  reward.  Immorality  itself, 
will  in  fine  be  overruled  by  Him,  who  numbers  the 
hairs  of  our  head,  for  his  own  glory  and  the  welfare 
of  his  chosen  sons  and  daughters. 

Second.  The  American  war  brings  to  notice, 
among  the  thinking  part  of  society,  among  the 
scholars  and  the  statesmen,  throughout  the  nations, 
great  and  important  principles  of  moral  order,  the 
knowledge  of  which,  has  been  heretofore  confined 
to  a  few  of  comparatively  little  influence  in  the 
world. 

The  freedom  of  the  seas  is  desirable  to  all  the 
nations,  with  a  single  exception ;  and  there  is  not  a 
man  of  sense  in  the  whole  world  who  denies  its  equi- 
ty.   Were  you  to  call  together,  men  of  understand 


THE    PRESENT   WAR.  217 

ing,  of  whatever  country,  and  refer  to  tliem  for  deci- 
:sion,  the  great  interesting  questions  of  commerce, 
they  would  unanimously  and  unhesitatingly  declare, 
The  sea  should  be  free  to  every  man. 

,  It  is  utterly  impossible  that  judicious  men  would 
ever  say,  the  dominion  of  the  deep  must  of  right  be 
surrendered  to  some  one  kingdom,  and  let  the  rest  of 
the  nations  become  tributary :  It  is  utterly  impossi- 
ble that  a  congress  of  impaitial  men  would  say,  the 
ocean  ought  of  right  to  be  for  ever  and  ever  under 
the  dominion  of  England.  It  is  indeed  said,  by  the 
supporters  of  English  claims  on  America,  "  possession 
gives  right  to  territory,  why  not  to  the  ocean?  Eng- 
land has  undisputed  possession  of  the  deep:  She 
therefore  has  a  right  to  control  the  commerce  of  the 
world."  Who  makes  this  assertion?  Men  who  say 
they  are  themselves  the  friends  of  commerce ;  and 
who  reflect  upon  their  own  government  as  if  it  were 
unfriendly  to  the  rights  of  trade.  Do  you,  indeed, 
sa}'  that  England  has,  by  possession,  obtained  a  right 
to  rule  the  waves?  Trespass  not  upon  her  territory. 
Say  not  you  are  the  friends  of  unembarrassed  trade. 
Listen  to  me,  and  hear  my  reasoning.  You  are  not 
only  inconsistent;  but  you  are,  also,  entirely  mista- 
ken about  the  matter  of  fact.  Britain  never  had  un- 
disputed possession  of  the  seas.  Spain,  France, 
Holland,  the  armed  neutrality  of  the  North,  all  the 
nations  of  the  civilized  world  have  contended  for 
equal  rights  on  the  deep.  This  republic  last,  though 
not  the  least  successfully,  has  vindicated  her  title  to 
an  equal  share  of  maritime  rights.     As  the  argument 

28 


218  THE    GOOD    EFFECTS   OF 

rests  upon  what  is  false  in  fact,  so  also,  it  assumes  an 
inapplicable  principle.  If  possession  is  admitted  ta 
give  a  title  to  unappropriated  lands ;  it  is  because  the 
general  good  of  society  is  promoted  by  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  soil.  Unoccupied  territory  is  for  the  time 
useless.  But  who  can  improve  or  cultivate  the 
ocean  ? 

There  is  no  analogy  between  the  two  cases.  The 
?eas  are  the  highway  of  the  nations  of  the  earth. 
The  general  advantage  is  promoted  by  the  uninter- 
rupted enjoyment  of  that  highway,  and  not  by  the 
British  claims  of  exclusive  occupancy.  The  indi- 
vidual nation  which  urges  by  power  a  right  to  rule 
the  waves,  resembles  not  the  hushandman^  who  takes 
into  his  possession,  and  improves  a  part  of  the  wilder- 
ness ;  but  is  like  the  highwayman  who  interrupts  the 
traveller  on  the  public  road. 

The  apologists  of  Gieat  Britain,  moreover,  in 
using  this  argument,  claim  a  right  which  the  Prince 
Regent  himself  will  not  venture  to  claim  before  the 
world.  His  navy  frequently,  indeed,  too  frequent- 
ly for  the  repose  of  nations,  practises  as  if  he  did  claim 
the  right:  but  the  cabinet  are  aware  that  an  open 
avowal  would  be  understood,  by  all  men  of  sense,  as 
a  declaration  of  hostilities  against  civilized  man. 
They  will,  of  course,  endeavour  to  evade  the  queg- 
tion,  as  the  more  convenient  policy. 

The  essential  principles  of  the  social  compact,  as 
arising  from  the  constitution  of  human  natuie,  and 


THE    PRESENT   WAR.  219 

jdeclared  in  the  word  of  God — a  compact,  necessary  in- 
deed, and  yet  voluntary  upon  the  part  of  each  member, 
will  in  consequence  of  this  war  become  a  subject  of 
more  general  examination.  It  is  not  merely  for  "  Free 
trade  and  sailors'  rights^''  that  this  contest  was  intend- 
ed by  the  Governor  of  the  world  :  it  was  to  illustrate 
the  principles  of  national  morality  with  which  these 
practical  questions  are  necessarily  associated.  The 
proper  independency  of  nations,  each  of  all  others,  is  a 
subject  of  consideration.  The  true  nature  of  allegi- 
ancCy  due  in  proportion  to  the  protection  needed,  asked 
for,  and  enjoyed,  is  exhibited  to  view;  so  as  to 
maintain  the  idea  that  man  is  as  free  to  choose  his 
residence  as  his  employment,  his  country  as  his  wife, 
his  ruler  as  his  servant :  the  rights  of  industry  and 
commercial  intercourse,  to  be  equably  granted  to  all 
the  nations ;  and  admitted  by  others  to  be  without 
restraint,  while  prosecuted  openly  and  honourably, 
are  hereby  made  a  subject  of  general  attention  and 
discussion.  These  topics  are  urged  at  an  interesting 
crisis  in  the  civilized  world — by  the  ability  and  elo- 
quence of  our  secretaries  and  ambassadors — by  the 
t)ravery  of  our  troops,  and  the  success  of  our  ships 
of  war,  they  are  forced  upon  the  notice  of  kings  and 
of  emperors  ;  of  philosophers  and  of  poets ;  of  mer- 
chants, of  mechanics,  of  husbandmen;  yea,  of  all 
ranks  of  men.  They  will  thus  command  a  respect 
which  politicians  would  scorn  to  yield  to  the  max- 
ims of  equity,  or  to  the  precepts  of  the  word  of  God. 

Third.  By  the  present  contest,  America  will  ac- 
quire a  respectable  character  in  the  family  of  na- 
tions. 


220  THE    CiOOD    EFFECTS    OF 

She  has' long  been  abused  and  insulted  for  her 
peaceful  demeanour.  The  belligerents  of  Europe 
acted  towards  this  country,  as  if  it  had  been  dena- 
iionalhcd.  Tlie  weakness  of  the  government,  the 
cowardice  of  the  people,  and  above  all,  the  avidity 
of  the  merchants,  were  subjects  of  scorn  and  con- 
tempt abroad  :  but  the  shame  is  removed;  the  vete- 
rans of  Wellington  attest  the  prowess  of  our  troops ; 
and  the  world  is  astonished  at  the  facility  with  which 
our  naval  heroes  hav^e  conquered,  when  they  met 
upon  terms  of  ecjuality,  those  who  had  conquered  all 
other  nations.  The  American  character,  in  argu- 
ment and  diplomacy,  in  the  council  and  upon  the 
field,  now  stands  confessed ;  and  this  is  a  guarantee 
against  future  insolence  and  aggression. 

(Id 

Fourth.  As  another  effect  of  the  contest,  the 
American  name,  respected  abroad,  will  communi- 
cate at  home  the  impulse  of  patriotism.  The  love 
of  country,  weakened  by  familiarity  with  its  ene- 
mies, and  destroyed  by  the  love  of  wealth,  shortly 
after  the  war,  which  established  the  independence  of 
America,  will  be  revived  by  this  second  war  of  inde- 
pendence ;  and  the  several  monied  interests,  which 
are  set  in  operation  independently  of  British  com- 
merce, as  well  as  the  growing  influence  of  domestic 
literature  and  arts,  will  serve  to  cherish  that  passion 
in  the  breasts  of  the  rising  generation.  Hereafter 
they  will  take  an  honourable  pride  in  the  deeds  of 
their  statesmen  and  their  warriors ;  and  it  will  be  felt 
by  themselves,  and  known  to  others,  that  on  a 
question  of  foreign  opposition,  they  are  all  Ame- 
ricans. 


THE    PRESENT   WAR.  221 

Fifth.  The  doctrine  of  expatriation,  and  the  true 
nature  of  allegiance  and  protection,  being  hereafter 
better  understood,  will  encourage  the  best  part 
of  the  Protestants  of  Europe  to  seek  an  asylum 
in  these  lands,  in  the  day  of  trial  and  of  darkness, 
which  awaits  them  in  their  own  country.  In  vain 
should  we  conceal  from  ourselves  the  awful  truth — 
Europe,  the  Latin  earthy  the  scene  of  antichristian 
persecution,  is  to  suffer  more,  infinitely  more,  than  it 
has  done  in  the  last  twenty  years.  The  rejoicings 
which  have  taken  place  at  the  restoration  of  the 
Popish  powers,  shall  be  changed  to  lamentation  and 
wo.  The  saints  must  yet  suffer  before  the  witnesses 
finish  their  testimony ;  and  in  America  thousands  will 
yet  seek  for  hospitality  and  repose.  They  will  be 
encouraged,  from  the  well  known  fact,  that  we 
have  vindicated  by  the  sword  the  rights  of  the 
stranger.^ 

*  It  has  been  alleged,  that  the  cause  of  naturalized  citizens  has 
been  given  up  by  the  government :  but  happily  the  allegation  is  un- 
founded. Sad  will  be  that  day  (o  America,  if  it  ever  should  arrive, 
when  such  a  violation  of  her  own  faith,  and  of  the  moral  law,  will 
receive  her  sanction.  Then  the  curse  of  God  will  alight  upon  her 
shores;  and  be  more  terrible  than  all  her  present  evils.  But  the  al- 
legation is  unfounded.  The  practice  of  Britain,  of  which  America 
complained?  has  ceased  with  the  European  war.  We  cannot  force 
the  principle  upon  any  nation.  The  principle  is  our  own.  All  we 
require  of  others  is,  not  to  injure  us  by  their  practice.  But  our  Com- 
missioners of  peace  are  expressly  instructed,  never  to  yield  the  prin- 
ciple to  the  claims  of  the  foe. 

Extract  from  the  Instructions  of  the  Executive  to  the  Commissioners, 
dated  June  25,  1814. 

"  The  United  States  having  resisted  by  war  the  practice  of  im- 
pressment, and  continued  the  vrar  until  that  practice  had  ceased,  by 


222  THE   GOOD   EFFECTS   OF 

We  have  abundantly  shown,  in  a  preceding  dis- 
course, the  absurd  consequences  of  denying  the 
right  of  expalrialiony  to  man.  We  have  charged, 
moreover,  the  court  of  Britain  with  inconsistency,  in 
granting  naturalization  to  others,  while  claiming  per- 
petuity of  allegiance  to  themselves. 

J  am  perfectly  aware  that  British  statesmen  of  no 
mean  name,  and  their  apologists  in  the  United  States, 
do  not  admit  the  justice  of  this  charge.  They  plead 
the  correctness  and  the  consistency  of  the  Regenfs 
recent  pi'oclamaiion,  recalling  his  native  subjects,  and 
threatening  to  treat,  as  traitors^  all  such,  who  are 
found  in  arms  against  him :  But  I  am  also  sensible, 
that  the  court  of  Britain,  haughty  as  it  is,  dare  not 
execute  that  threatening  in  its  full  extent.  It  has  al- 
ready been  alarmed  at  the  counter  threatening  of  a 
terrible  retaliation.  In  vain  am  I  told  that  the  emi- 
grant must  remain  on  American  ground  in  order  to 
be  safe — that  he  must  never  bear  arms  against  his 
first  rulers — ^that  he   must  never  venture   upon  the 

a  peace  in  Europe,  their  object  has  been  essentially  obtained  for  the 
present.  It  may  reasonably  be  expected,  that  the  arrangement  con- 
templated and  provided  for,  will  take  effect  before  a  new  war  ia 
Europe  shall  furnish  an  occasion  for  reviving  the  practice.  Should 
this  arrangement,  however,  fail,  and  the  practice  be  again  revived, 
the  United  States  will  be  again  at  liberty  to  repel  it  by  war;  and 
that  they  will  do  so  cannot  be  doubted;  for  after  the  proof  which 
they  have  already  given  of  a  firm  resistance  in  that  mode  persevered 
in  until  the  practice  had  ceased,  under  circumstances  the  most  un- 
favourable, it  cannot  be  presumed  that  the  practice  will  ever  be  to- 
lerated again.  Certain  it  is,  that  every  day  will  render  it  more  in- 
eligible in  Great  Britain  to  make  the  attempt." 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  223 

open  seas.  Transferring  allegiance  is  either  a  right, 
or  it  is  not.  If  it  is  not  a  right,  remaining  on  Ame- 
rican ground  cannot  make  it  so,  or  free  the  con- 
science from  guilt  in  the  oath  of  naturalization.  If 
it  is  a  right,  it  constitutes  an  obligation  to  defend 
the  cause  of  the  country ;  and  a  voyage  to  sea  does 
not  alter  its  nature.  You  admit,  while  defending  the 
claims  of  British  domination,  you  admit,  that  she  has 
a  law  in  her  statute-book  for  naturalizing  men  of  fo- 
reign birth,  not  merely  in  order  to  people  her  land ; 
but  principally  with  design  to  navigate  her  vessels, 
and  to  fight  her  battles  on  the  ocean :  And  will  you 
be  so  inconsistent  as  to  urge  upon  adopted  American 
citizens  the  necessity  of  confinement  to  the  shores? 
No,  this  is  not  your  apology.  I  know  what  it  is.  I 
well  know  what  the  lords  of  the  admiralty  direct  to 
be  said  in  their  behalf,  upon  this  subject.  They 
would  say,  England  indeed,  by  slalute  laWy  "natu- 
ralizes foreigners,  but  by  common  law  allegiance  is 
unalienable.  America  too,  by  law,  naturalizes  fo- 
reigners, and  so  far  we  do  not  object :  but  here  is  the 
difference.  England  gives  up,  to  the  natural  sove- 
reign, the  subject  for  execution  as  a  traitor:  and 
never  protects  the  adopted  citizen  against  the  claims 
of  his  native  state.  You  profess  to  protect,  like  na- 
tives, your  adopted  citizens.  We  are  not  inconsist- 
ent:  we  claim  our  own  subjects  to  be  punished  for 
treason;  and  we  will  give  up  your  citizens,  when 
you  demand  them,  for  the  same  purpose." 

Horrible  apology!  criminal  consistency!  And  is  this 
your  vindication?  Is  this,  indeed,  your  boasted  politi- 


224  THE   GOOD   EFFECTS   OF 

cal  morality  ?  You,  by  your  own  confession,  invite  the 
unwary  to  your  service ;  you  allure  them  to  treason 
you  tempt  them,  you  impress  them,  you  deceive 
them  by  the  solemnities  of  an  act  of  your  parlia- 
ment ;  and  yet  you  will  not  protect  them  :  but  give 
them  up  for  traitors  to  the  hand  of  the  public  execu- 
tioner. Great  God,  how  deplorably  mistaken  must 
those  christians  be,  who  consider  such  a  government 
as  this,  as  becoming  a  moral  and  religious  communi- 
ty !  A  government  which  pledges  the  public  faith 
with  the  express  design  of  deceiving  and  destroying 
him  who  trusts  in  it  for  protection.  Righteousness^ 
righteovsncss  only,  exalleth  a  nation,  hut  sin  is  a 
reproach  to  any  people. 

Sixth,  The  present  war  appears  destined  of  the 
Lord,  to  subserve  the  cause  of  the  kings  of  the  east  in 
drying  up  the  waters  of  Euphrates.^ 

This  is  a  war  for  commercial  freedom,  and  against 
the  British  monopoly.  It  is  a  contest,  not  only 
to  prevent  the  recolonization  of  these  states,  but  also 
in  the  Providence  of  God  for  extending  the  princi- 
ples of  representative  democracy — the  blessings  of  li- 
berty, and  the  rights  of  self-government,  among  the 
colonies  of  Europe,  which  are  found  to  the  north 
and  to  the  south  of  us.  Like  the  wars  of  the  old 
world,  it  is  a  shield  from  subjugation  to  the  Spanish 
colonies,  struggling  for  emancipation  to  the  south ; 
and  independently  of  the  idea  of  conquering  Canada 

*  See  pages  205—207. 


THE   PRESENT   WAR.  225 

hy  our  aiTns,  it  teaches  to  its  inhabitants  the  benefitii 
of  peace  with  the  United  States.  It  will,  in  its  con- 
sequences, diminish  their  attachment  to  England, 
and  instruct  them  in  the  value  of  liberty.  The  very 
opposition  which  is  made  to  this  war  is  the  means  of 
ultimately  strengthening  the  American  democracy. 
Whatever  may  be  the  designs  of  the  leaders  of  that 
opposition,  the  arguments  employed  by  them  are 
democratic,  and  these  will  not  be  forgotten.  The 
appeals  which  are  made  to  the  people  will  make  the 
people  still  more  sensible  of  their  own  strength 
and  importance.  The  societies  which  are  formed, 
whether  to  support  or  to  oppose  the  administration, 
are  so  many  small  democracies,  which  still  tend  to 
promote  the  principles  of  civil  liberty.  They  are 
Jacobinical  institutions,  conducted  with  all  the  zeal, 
for  power ;  but  with  more  intelligence  and  order, 
than  the  Parisian  associations.  Nay,  the  very  con- 
vention of  the  Eastern  states,  and  all  the  opposition 
which  the  measures  of  this  government  have  pro- 
toked  in  that  part  of  our  country,  are  predicated 
upon  the  principles  of  democracy.  The  war  it- 
self, and  all  the  strife  and  the  contention  which  it 
has  produced,  must  therefore  be  considered,  in  the 
Providence  of  God,  as  the  means  of  destruction  to 
the  slavish  doctrines  of  the  old  world,  and  as  ulti* 
mately  tending  to  the  general  emancipation  of  the 
human  race  from  the  bondage  of  despotism  and  su- 
perstition. 

2'9 


«938<][  9'J  •' 


(,    226    ) 


CONCLUSION. 

I'he  hope,  brethren,  of  a  general  emancipaliony  sup- 
ports and  anhnates  the  benevolent  exertions  of  the 
Christian  Philanthropist.  Party  will  indeed  rejoice, 
in  any  event  that  may  have  an  auspicious  bearing  up- 
on the  desired  elevation  of  a  favourite  leader  to 
power.  Selfishness  will  rejoice,  in  whatsoever  tends 
to  promote  its  private  gratification,  should  it  be  at 
the  expense  of  a  nation's  independence  and  honour. 
But  vital  religion  refers  every  event  to  the  meridian 
line,  the  work  of  Jesus  Christ  for  the  salvation  )f 
men ;  and  estimates  the  value  of  such  events  in  pro- 
portion to  their  tendency  in  bringing  about  peace  up- 
on earth  and  good  will  towards  men  of  all  kindreds  and 
languages. 

The  christian  spirit  is  of  a  diffusive,  an  active,  an 
enlarged  benevolence.  It  seeks  first  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  and  its  righteousness;  and  never  ceases  to 
pray  to  Jehovah,  thi/  kingdom  come.  It  seeks  the 
overthrow  of  all  false  principles,  of  all  immoral 
power,  of  all  tyranny,  and  of  all  irreligion.  Infi- 
delity, hypocrisy,  corruption  in  matters  of  religion, 
are  alike  objects  of  its  aversion.  Knowledge,  virtue, 
liberty,  righteousness,  these  are  the  objects  of  pious 
regard;  and,  in  proportion  to  the  prevajence  of  true 
religion  in  the  heart,  will  man  be  desirous  to  see 
these  blessings    extended  throughout  the  nations. 


CONCLUSION.  227 

That  they  shall,  in  time,  be  so  extended,  he  hath 
promised  who  is  able  also  to  perform.  The  promise  is, 
however,  accompanied  with  a  threatening  to  those 
nations  that  know  not  God,  and  obey  not  the  gospel. 
Thus  saith  the  Lord  Gou,  Remove  the  diadem  and 
lake  off  the  crown — /  will  overturn,  overturn,  overturn 
it;  and  it  shall  he  no  more,  until  he  come  whose  right 
it  is  ;  and  I  will  give  it  him,^' 

It  is  this  overturning  which  astonishes  the  nations, 
and  makes  the  people  afraid.  We  have  seen  much 
of  it  come  to  pass,  in  the  last  twenty  years ;  and 
more  remains  still  to  be  accomplished.  Terrified 
at  the  work  of  judgment  according  to  the  threaten- 
ing, many  who  have  plead  the  promise,  have  ceased 
from  their  prayers.  There  was  a  time  when  the 
Churches  were  earnest,  in  their  supplications,  for  the 
downfal  of  antichrist — when  all  protestant  ministers 
and  people  were  united  in  seeking  the  overthrow  of 
the  man  of  sin,  and  of  all  the  pillars  of  his  throne. 
That  time,  alas!  is  now  no  more.  A  temporizing 
policy,  a  superficial  faith,  an  accommodating  morality 
have  succeeded,  in  destroying  a  taste  for  able  evan- 
gelical discussion ;  in  diminishing  the  ardour  of  de- 
votion ;  and  in  conciliating,  for  the  sake  of  carnal 
pleasure  and  gain,  the  affections  of  the  ministers  and 
members  of  the  Churches  towards  the  great  corrup- 
tion of  religion  in  the  world  effected  by  the  supersti- 
tious establishments  of  the  European  nations.    There 

*  E7.ek.  lixj.  26,  27. 


223  CONCLUSION. 

are  very  few,  I  repeat  the  remark  with  fear  and  sor- 
row, I  repeat  it  with  gloomy  anticipations,  as  it  re- 
spects those  churches  themselves,  there  are  very  few 
who  publicly  pray  for  the  downfal  of  antichrist.  And 
yet  this  is  the  principal  object  which  the  Lord  has  in 
view,  in  dashing  the  potsherds  of  the  earth  against 
the  potsherds  of  the  earth. 

To  this  object,  the  hopes  of  the  church  were  long 
directed  from  afar.  Modern  wars,  in  the  great  scheme 
of  Providence,  are  destined  to  realize  these  hopes.  By 
terrible  things  in  righteousness  wilt  thou  answer  uSj  O 
God  of  our  salvation.*  Of  that  grand  scheme,  the  con- 
test, in  which  our  own  country  is  engaged,  is  a  part. 
Therefore  do  I  declare  in  Zion  that  it  is  the  work 
of  the  Lord  our  God.  I  hope  with  respect  to  us,  the 
contest  will  be  short — that  our  country  will  escape 
the  trial,  without  injury  to  its  republican  institutions; 
without  diminution  of  its  honour  or  power;  without 
dismemberment;  and  without  curtailing  the  rights  of 
its  citizens.  But  it  is  in  the  old  world  the  principal 
scenes  of  this  tragedy  are  exposed  to  view.  The 
nations  of  Europe  are,  it  is  true,  now  at  peace  with 
one  another.  The  awful  storm  is,  at  once,  unex 
pectedly  and  surprisingly  hushed.  There  is  a  calm. 
The  troubled  ocean  is  still.  It  will  not  long  continue 
in  this  state.  Against  these  nations  there  is  wrath 
from  him  that  sits  on  high.  Ignorance  may  flatter 
itself  that  the  era  of  the  repose  of  nations  is  arrived 

*  Psalm  Ixv.  5. 


tSOKCLUSION.  203 

Crafty  wen  encourage  the  delusion  for  the  sake  of 
personal  gain  and  party  purposes.  If  ihei/  should 
not  live  to  retract,  some  of  i/ou  will  live  to  bear  tes- 
timony to  the  delusion  which  they  have  attempted 
to  practise.  In  vain  has  it  been  asserted  that,  by 
the  fall  of  Napoleon  Buonapnrle,  the  peace  of  Europe 
is  secured.  That  man  is  indeed  fallen.  Events 
which  astonish  us,  have  come  to  pass  in  a  few  months. 
While  in  the  height  of  his  power  he  was  not  an  ob- 
ject of  our  love  or  of  our  fear.  Circumscribed,  by 
the  waves  which  encircle  the  island  of  Elba,  he  is 
now  neither  the  butt  of  our  reproach  nor  the  object 
of  our  contempt.  We  are  not  in  the  habit  of  bow- 
ing to  the  rising  sun,  nor  of  meanly  trampling  upon 
men  who  are  stripped  of  authority.  Mind,  he  pos- 
sessed in  a  higher  degree  than  usually  falls  to  the  lot 
of  princes  of  royal  blood.  For  talent,  activity,  and 
decision  of  character,  courage  in  the  field,  and  intel- 
ligence in  the  cabinet,  Buonaparte  had  few  equals 
in  any  age.  His  religion  and  morality  were  ever 
such,  as  we  view  with  disapprobation.  They  were 
those,  of  unsanctitied  men,  of  mere  politicians. 
He  was  betrayed.  He  fell;  and  France  is  fallen 
with  him.  The  Bourbons  are  restored.  The  Pope 
has  reassumed  his  mitre.  The  Inquisition  has  seized 
the  instruments  of  torture  in  its  gloomy  caverns. 
In  the  restoration  of  the  Germanic  empire,  the  last 
head  of  the  beast  is  more  conspicuously  revealed  to 
view ;  and  in  the  adjustment  of  the  balance  of  pow- 
er among  the  antichristian  nation.?,  tb.e  frn  horns  may 


230  CONCLUSION. 

again  be  more  distinctly  displayed  before  the  last 
vial  is  poured  out  by  the  angel  of  destruction. 

The  end,  however,  is  not  yet.  The  peace  of 
Europe  cannot  be  permanent.  A  day  of  retri- 
bution cometh.  The  scourge,  which  God  employed 
in  the  punishment  of  guilty  communities,  is  indeed 
laid  aside ;  but  although  Napoleon  should  never 
again  attract  the  attention  of  the  civilized  world,  in- 
struments, of  equal  anguish  to  offending  nations,  will 
be  employed  by  Him  who  hath  pledged  his  word  for 
tlieir  entire  overthrow.  We  never  considered  the 
events,  which  proceeded  from  the  French  revolution, 
in  any  other  light  than  as  judgments  from  the  Lord 
upon  the  antichristian  earth.  They  were  not  the 
saints  of  the  Most  Highy  but  the  votaries  of  the  man 
of  sin,  that  suffered  in  the  recent  wars.  Perhaps 
there  was  not  one  single  witness  for  the  cause 
of  the  Lord,  who  suffered  martyrdom  during  the 
whole  French  revolution.  If  any  real  christian 
perished  in  the  strife,  he  was  not  condemned  to  seal 
with  his  blood  the  testimony  which  he  heldy  but  fell 
like  others  in  the  indiscriminate  calamities  of  the  po- 
litical earthquake.  It  is  against  the  thrones  of  the 
ancient  dynasties  that  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  is 
calling  for  vengeance:  and  so  far  as  the  United 
States,  in  the  present  war  with  Great  Britain,  contend 
for  liberty  and  righteousness,  they  are  co-operating 
with  the  martyrs,  in  opposing  that  nation  which  is 
now  the  principal  support  of  the  man  of  sin. 


CONCLUSION,  231 

If  1  have  given,  in  these  discourses,  any  encour- 
agement to  the  prosecution  of  this  war,  with  valnur, 
with  unanimity,  and  with  energy,  I  have  done  my  du- 
ty. The  faithful  ministers  of  Christ  give,  with  divine 
approbation,  the  golden  vials  full  of  the  last  plagues^ 
into  the  hands  of  the  angels  of  war  and  of  death ; 
that  they  may  be  poured  out  upon  the  dominions  of 
the  man  of  sin.  In  common  with  others,  I  have  a 
right  to  declare  my  sentiments ;  and  in  doing  so,  in  a 
tone  of  respect  for  those  who  differ  from  me,  I  hope 
thstt  the  mere  fact,  of  these  sentiments  being  on  the 
side  of  my  country,  and  its  government,  in  this 
contest,  is  not  a  reason  for  condemning  them  un- 
heard, or  of  displeasure  at  me  for  giving  them 
utterance. 

\  I  have  spoken  upon  this  subject,  as  a  Whig — as 
the  friend  of  religion  and  liberty — as  a  consistent 
Presbyterian,  averse  from  arbitrary  power.  Our 
fathers,  my  dear  hearers,  were  of  that  stamp.  Our 
brethren  in  the  Reformed  Church,  (for  I  have 
spoken  their  sentiments  concerning  all  the  great 
moral  principles  which  I  have  discussed,)  are 
now,  and  have  been  from  the  dawn  of  the  refor- 
mation, Whigs  from  conscience.*  The  Puritans, 
the    Presbyterians,     the    Martyrs,     supported    the 

'■,'11 

*  The  origin  of  the  political  and  distinctive  names,  Whig  and 
Tory,  deserves  to  be  known.  It  is  an  Index  to  the  correct  applica- 
tion of  them. 

"  This  year  (1679,)  is  remarkable  for  being  the  epoch  of  the  welJ 
known  epithets  of  Whig  and  Tort,  by  which  this  island  has  been 
30  long  divided.    The  court  partj  reproached  their  antagonists 


23ii  CONCLUSION. 

same  principles,  in  their  faithful  opposition  to 
the  throne,  and  the  prelacy  of  tyrannical  Eng- 
land. The  monuments  of  their  faith  and  their 
sufferings,  are  still  to  be  seen  by  the  traveller,  ill 
eveiy  part  of  that  guilty  land  ;  and  their  blood,  like 
that  of  Abel,  still  calls  for  vengeance  upon  the  suc- 
cessors of  the  persecutors,  the  advocates  of  the 
crown  and  the  mitre — the  British  Tories. 

The  spirit  of  true  religion  is  friendly  to  civil  li- 
berty. It  has  appeared  to  be  so  in  every  country. 
Some  of  the  most  faithful  ministers,  among  the  re- 
formers, with  patriotic  ardour  contended,  even  with 
ibe  sword,  in  defence  of  their  civil  and  religious  li- 
l)erties.     Ulric  Zdingle,  the  morning-star  of  the  re- 


with  Ihcir  affinity  to  the  fanatical  convetiticlers  in  Scotland,"  (so 
it  suited  an  aih^istiory,  for  David  Hume  was  no  democrat,  to  stJg- 
Qiatize  the  most  pious  people  of  the  age.)  "  who  rvere  known  by  the 
name  of  Whigs.  The  country  party  found  a  resemblance  between 
the  courtiers  and  the  Popish  banditti,  in  Ireland,  to  whom  the  ap- 
pellation of  Tory  was  affixed."     Hxtmc's  Charles  11.  Chap  IV. 

"  They  were  for  confining  the  royal  [)rerogative  within  the  limits 
»f  the  law,  for  which  reason  their  adversaries  charged  them  with 
republican  principles^  and  gave  them  the  reproachful  name  ol 
Whigs  ;  a  name  first  given  to  the  most  rigid  covenanters.  The  To- 
ries went  into  all  the  arbitrary  court  measures,  and  adopted  into 
our  religion,  a  Mahometan  principle,  under  the  name  of  Passive  Obe- 
dience, and  Non-resistance;  which,  since  the  times  of  that  impos- 
tor, who  first  broached  it,  has  been  the  means  to  enslave  a  great 
part  of  the  world."    Ncal's  Hist.  Puritatis,  Vol.  IV.  p.  378. 

"  The  name  of  Whig  took  its  rise  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II. 
and  was  bestowed  on  the  best  patriots  then  in  the  kingdom  True 
and  genuine  Whigism,  therelbre,  consists  in  a  zealeus  attachment 
to  the  liberties  of  mankind."     Old  Whis. 


CONCLUSION.  233 

formation,  fell  in  battle  at  Zuvicli,  1530/^  at  the  com- 
joencement  of  the  strife  against  arbitrary  power ;  and 
towards  the  close  of  the  struggle  which  terminated  in 
the  overthrow  of  the  purest  of  the  churches,  Richard 
Camron  fell  at  Airsmoss,  1680,  while  defending,  as  a 
christian  hero,  the  religion  and  liberties  of  his  coun- 
tiy,  against  the  tyranny  of  the  bishops,  and  the  royal 
house  of  Stuart.f 

So  far  as  I,  too,  may  still  retain  any  portion  oi 
the  spirit  of  my  native  land,  where  Wallace  fought^ 
where  Buchanan  wrote,  where  Knox  preached  the 
gospel  of  God,  where  the  Martyrs,  down  from  PatricJc 
Hamilton  to  James  Benwick,  left  their  flesh  to  rest 
in  hope  of  deliverance — that  spirit  is  opposed  to  the 
impious  misrule  of  a  corrupt  hierarchy  and  immoral 
power.  If  I  have  caught  the  spirit  of  this,  the  country 
of  my  choice,  it  is  in  favour  of  liberty.  If  I  claim 
a  place  among  consistent  Protestants,  I  must  testify 
against  all  the  acts  of  antichristian  power.  If  1  fol- 
low the  steps  which  are  died  by  the  blood  of  the 

*-  Mosheim,  Vol.  IV.  page   353. 
f  There,  said  Robert  Murray,  who  cut  off  the  head  and  Ivav'V  ^ 
Mr.  Camron,  and  presented  them  to  the  king's  courif ''     *  ^     ".   J 
the  head  and  hands,  that  lived  praying  and  ;,r— ^unement  of  crue  j  ^^ 
and  fighting:'  The  tyrannical  cPtt-orOiy  Father,  noy  in  P'"^".,^^**' 
ordered  them  to  be  alw^s  asked  if  he  knew  tbeivi.     The  goo    inau 
the  same  r.;-    . . ;.    ^^^    kissed  them,  and  said,  "I  lcn^>  ^cm. 
,.,.a.em  xn   h^s  ^^  "^-   ^  Good  is  the  rM  of  Vae  Urdfhf 

ihey  are  my  son's,  my  dea,  son s.   '^ 

cnrtotrvrong  ^^^  ^^'^^'^'^^^^.^t^s  Ecc  mt.  mriV  ^''■ 


234  COKCLUSIOiV. 

Martyrs,  I  must  raise  my  voice  against  the  tlirones 
which  shed  that  blood.  If  the  Bible  is  my  system  of 
religion,  and  of  social  order,  I  must  disclaim  attach- 
ment to  those  powers  that  are  hostile  to  evangelical 
doctrine,  and  to  the  rights  of  the  church  of  God.  If, 
in  so  doing,  1  have  olFended  an}'  of  my  hearers,  it  is 
without  intending  it;  for  I  watch  for  your  souls,  and 
desire  to  promote  your  welfare  and  your  hap- 
piness. 

1  have,  however,  in  these  discourses,  which  I  now 
bring  to  a  close,  proved  the  right,  which  christian  mi- 
nisters possess,  of  applying  the  christian  doctrine  to 
man  in  his  social  as  well  as  in  his  individual  capacity : 
and  have  given  sufficient  evidence,  in  the  exercise  of 
this  right,  that  true  religion  is  favourable  to  the  im- 
provement and  freedom  of  mankind.   The  moral  cha- 
racter of  both  the  belligerents,  this  republic  and  the 
British  monarchy,  has  been  weighed  in  the  sacred  ba- 
lance, and  the  preference  given  to  our  own  country.  I 
have  shown,  both  the  lawfulness  of  waging  war,  and 
the  causes  which  justify  the  application  of  force  by 
nation  to  another.     I  have  vindicated  the  cause  of 
exnibnet»^^nst^  a  jealous  and  powerful  rival.   I  have 
lions  of  the  word  oi^uJis  considerations,  and  thepredic- 
permitling  this  country  (o'^^esigns  of  Providence  in 

Keen  far  from  my  fhou<^h/s  ir,  „:        ^   '"—■•i  has 
eventhekasf.  ofLS       7"'^°"^"^-  <»  any, 

• '    "  ^"^  "h"  habitually  wait  upon  it 


CONCLUSION.  235 

and  to  the  heart-searching  God,  whom  I  serve  in  the 
gospel  of  his  Son,  that  I  do  not  practise  upon  a  spirit 
of  contempt  for  the  feelings  of  my  fellow-men,  al- 
though I  am  accustomed  to  speak  without  the  fear 
of  man,  what  I  believe  to  be  seasonable  truth. 

I  have  indeed  spoken  what  I  felt  it  my  duty  to 
speak,  without  respect  of  persons.  Time  will  deter- 
mine whether  I  have  erred  or  not :  And  I  leave  the 
consequences,  as  it  respects  myself  and  all  that  is  dear 
to  me — as  it  respects  the  cause  of  America  in  the  pre- 
sent contest,  to  God  my  Redeemer,  to  whom  be  glory 
for  ever  and  ever. — Amen. 


THE   END. 


THE 

CONSTITUTION,  CHARACTER, 

AND 

DUTIES, 

OF 

THE  GOSPEL  MINISTRY. 


SERMON, 


PREACHED  AT 


THE  ORDINATION 


REV.  GILBERT  Mc  MASTER, 

IN   THE   FIRST    PRESBYTERIAN    CHURCH,   DUANESBURGH, 

BY  ALEXANDER  MCLEOD,  A.  M. 

Pastor  of  the  Refbnned  Pre«l»yterian  CcngregatioB  in  the  citj-  of  Neu  -Y orU, 


PUBLISHED    AT    TH£    REQUEST    OF    THE    HEARERS. 


jYEW-YORK: 

Printed  by  J.  Seymour,  No.  118,  Peari-strett. 


1808. 


A  SERMON,  4-c. 


Jeremiah  hi.  15. — I  will  g'we  you  Pastors  accord- 
ing to  mine  heart,  which  shall  feed  you  with  know- 
ledge and  understanding. 


1  HE  few  pious  people,  who  remained  scattered 
through  Palestine  when  Jeremiah  was  called  to  the 
prophetic  office,  were  in  great  need  of  a  public  minis- 
try. Like  you,  my  brethren,  who  are  to-day  assem- 
bled, in  order  to  receive  a  Pastor  from  your  God, 
those,  who,  in  the  land  of  Israel,  adhered  to  the  cove- 
nant of  their  fathers,  had  been  for  years  destitute  of 
the  solemn  forms  of  public  worship. 

About  fifty  years  before  the  time  of  this  prophecy, 
Esarhaddon,  the  son  of  Sennacherib,  and  now  king 
both  of  Assyria  and  Chaldea,  that  he  might  entirely 
subdue  the  efforts  of  the  children  of  Israel  to  resist 
his  despotic  power,  carried  the  ten  tribes  out  of  their 
country,  and  settled  in  their  room.  Idolaters  from 
som^  other  provinces  of  his  empire*.     Very  few  of 

*  2  Kings  17.     Ezra.  4.  2—10. 


('    4     ) 

fhe  worshrppcrs  of  the  true  God  remained;  and 
these  were  without  a  Priest,  and  without  a  Sacri- 
fice, and  without  an  Altar. 

The  prophet  Jeremiah  lived  to  see  the  Church  in 
Judea  involved  in  similar  distress-  Yes,  he  lived 
to  suffer  much  persecution  in  his  own  person,  from 
those  ungodly  rulers  who  had  succeeded  to  the 
throne  of  the  pious  Josiah;  he  lived,  to  witness  the 
judgment  of  God  on  Jerusalem,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  their  seventy  years  captivity,  and  to  write 
the  book  of  Lamentations  over  the  fallen  glory  of 
Zion.  His  heart  was  tender,  his  passions  were 
strong ;  he  placed  Jerusalem  above  his  chief  joy^ 
and  over  the  ruins  of  the  Temple,  no  man  mourned 
with  a  more  sincere  sorrow  than  this  weeping  pro- 
phet. Dark,  indeed,  was  the  page  which  his  own  ex- 
perience occupied  in  the  great  volume  of  Time.  But 
he  was  divinely  instructed  to  look  forward  unto  more 
pleasant,  though  distant  objects.  Cheered  with  the 
prospect,  he  wipes  away  the  falling  tear,  and  sup- 
presses the  sigh  which  was  ready  to  burst  from  his 
affectionate  heart,  at  beholding  the  calamities  in 
which  covenant  transgression  had  involved  the  seed 
of  Jacob;  and  he  proclaims,  according  to  the  com- 
mandment, the  future  restoration  of  God's  covenant 
people.  The  spirit  by  which  Jeremiah  was  inspired, 
carried  him  into  futurity,  and  showed  to  him  the 
blessings  of  Uie  Gospel.     Types,  and  ceremonies. 


(  5  ) 

and  shadows  evanish ;  the  ministration,  which  ex- 
ceeds in  glory,  appears ;  Apostles,  and  Evangelists^ 
and  Pastors,  and  Teachers,  minister  to  the  church  of 
God.  He  sees  the  fulfilment  of  the  covenant  of 
Abraham.  He  sees  Christian  congregations  regu- 
larly organized.  He  beholds  the  dispersed  witness- 
es rallying  around  their  standard,  and  receiving  with 
joy  the  blessings  of  a  settled  ministry.  He  listens 
with  delight  to  the  promise  which  you  now  hear 
from  the  Sanctuary,  "  /  will  give  t^ou  Pastors  ac- 
Gording  to  mine  lieart,  which  shall  feed  you  wit/i_ 
knowledge  and  understanding ^ 

God  has  pledged  his  veracity  to  provide  a  public 
ministry  for  the  service  of  his  church — "  And  I  will 
give  you  Pastors"  He  hath  placed  distinguishing 
marks  on  the  ministry  of  which  he  approves — "  Pas- 
tors according  to  jnine  heart."  The  sum  of  minis- 
terial duty  is  the  edification  of  the  Church — "  Pas- 
tors, which  shall  Jeed  you  with  knowledge  and  un- 
derstanding" 

You  have  now,  brethren,  the  plan  of  my  discourse 
before  you ;  and  as  we  are  met  to-day,  to  ordain  a 
Bishop  for  this  church,  it  will  not,  I  trust,  be  consi- 
dered as  impertinent,  to  lay  before  you  the  consti- 
tution, character,  and  duties  of  the  gospel  ministry. 

I.  God  is  engaged  by  covenant,  to  provide  a  per- 
petual public  ministry  for  his  church. 

The  Divine  Being,  in  all  his  works,  acts  worthily  of 


(    G    ) 

liis  own  infinite  perfections.  His  government  of  the 
universe  is  characterized  by  perfect  justice,  and  by 
perfect  wisdom.  But  the  church  is  in  a  peculiar 
sense  his  empire.  It  is  the  "  Kingdom  of  God."  He 
hath  desired  it  as  his  habitation.  All  his  other  works 
are  made  subordinate  to  it.  Here,  his  power  and 
his  glory  are  manifested.  Honour  and  majesty  are 
before  him,  strength  and  beauty  are  in  his  sanctuary. 
He  combines  with  the  splendour  of  his  throne,  a 
display  of  wisdom  and  of  mercy.  Like  as  a  father 
pitieth  his  children,  so  the  Lord  pitieth  them  that 
fear  him.  He  kno\A'eth  our  frame  ;  he  remembereth 
that  we  are  dust.  And  he  hath  provided,  that 
Christians,  (from  the  nature  of  their  faith,  always 
eager  for  religious  knowledge,  but  from  their  situa- 
tion in  this  world  almost  perpetually  occupied  about 
secular  affairs,)  should  be  furnished  with  a  Jllinis- 
try,  committed  to  the  hands  of  men,  whose  time  and 
talents  should  be  exclusively  devoted  to  the  study 
and  exposition  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  the  col- 
lateral duties  of  their  sacred  office — A  ministry  of 
divine  institution — of  perpetual  duration — and  se- 
cured by  covenant. 

1.  A  public   stated    ministry   in    the  Christian 
Church,  is  a  divine  institution. 

To  the  church  of  old,  God  communicated  the  re- 
velation of  his  grace,  by  extraordinary  characters.. 
He  "  at  sundry  times  and  in  divers  manners,  spake 


(  7  ) 

in  times  past  unto  the  fathers  by  the  prophets."  Un- 
til the  time  of  Moses  they  had  no  written  revelation, 
nor  such  a  visible  organization  as  required  an  ordi- 
nary stated  ministry  to  conduct  the  solemnities  of  reli- 
gious worship.  It  was  in  the  days  of  Ezra  that  the 
reading  of  the  law  was  instituted  for  the  instruction  of 
the  Jews  assembled  in  their  Synagogues.  Knowledge, 
by  immediate  inspiration,  was  not  henceforth  to  be 
expected  to  continue  among  them.  And,  while 
they  looked  forward  to  a  more  complete  organiza- 
tion of  God's  covenant  people,  after  Messiah  should 
appear  to  order  his  kingdom,  they  were  habituated 
to  those  forms  of  public  worship,  in  the  synagogue, 
upon  the  model  of  which  the  Christian  church,  with 
some  appropriate  variation,  was  to  have  the  public 
worship  conducted  after  the  exaltation  of  the  blessed 
Saviour.  The  prophets,  accordingly,  (maintaining  the 
unity  of  the  Church  under  every  dispensation,)  predict- 
ed, that  although  immediate  revelation  should  cease, 
the  church  should  be  no  loser  ;  but  with  a  complete 
canon  of  Scripture,  as  the  only  rule  of  faith,  God 
would  provide  for  her  a  regular  ministry,  which  should 
abundantly  suffice  in  the  room  of  the  priesthood, 
which  prefigured,  in  their  oifering  of  sacrifices,  the 
Lord,  our  only  New  Testament  Priest,  of  the  pro- 
phets who  were  occasionally  raised  up  to  give  increase 
of  knowledge,  and  of  the  ministry  of  the  synagogue 
which  read  and  expounded  the  law.    The  Scriptures 


(     8     )        . 

of  the  Old  Testament,  therefore,  as  well  as  those  of 
the  New,  compel  us  to  believe  that  the  Christian  mi- 
nistry is  an  ordinance  not  of  the  wisdom  of  man, 
but  of  the  goodness  of  God. 

We  desire  not  to  deceive  you,  my  brethren.  We 
desire  not  to  impose  ourselves  upon  your  credulity, 
but  to  minister  unto  you  as  helpers  of'  your  faith. 
We  are,  indeed,  earthen  vessels.  We  are  feeble  and 
imperfect,  and  mortal.  But  we  possess  a  treasure  of 
unsearchable  riches.  We  magnify  our  office.  It  is  au- 
thorised by  God, — it  is  the  gift  of  our  exalted  Sa- 
viour, for  the  church  which  he  redeemed — it  is  sanc- 
tified by  the  Holy  spirit  as  the  means  of  feeding  the 
flock  of  God.  But  faith  cometh  by  hearing.  Hear  ye, 
therefore,  the  word  of  God,  and  believe.  Ministers 
are  appointed  by  God.  "  /  ha've  set  watchmen  upon 
thy  walls,  O  Jerusalem — And  no  man  taketh  his  ho- 
nour unto  himself ;  but  he  that  is  called  of  God — • 
All  things  are  of  God — who  hath  given  to  us  the 
ministry  of  reconciliation — And  God  hath  set  in 
the  Church,  apostles*,''  &c. 

Ministers  are  given  by  the  exalted  Saviour  to  his 
Church.  "  Let  a  man  so  account  of  us  as  of  the 
ministers  of  Christ" — When  he  ascended  upon  high, 
^  he  gave  some  apostles — and  some  pastors  and  teach- 
ers—for the  work  of  the  ministry  f". 

*  Isa.  62.  6.     Heb.  5.  4.     2  Cor.  5.  18.     I  Cor.  12.  28. 
t  1  Cor.  4.  1.     Eph4.  11,  12. 


(     9     ) 

Ministers  are  set  apart  by  the  divine  spirit  to  feed 
the  flock  of  God.  "  Take  heed  therefore  unto  your- 
selves, and  to  all  thejiock  over  the  which  the  Holy 
Ghost  hath  made  you  overseers,  to  feed  the  Church 
of  God*'\ 

This  ordinance  is  not  to  be  classed  with  those 
extraordinary  manifestations  of  divine  power  which 
were  intended  to  be  of  short  duration,  and  being  em- 
ployed to  introduce  the  Christian  dispensation  of 
grace  into  full  operation,  were  necessarily  limited  to 
the  earliest  ages  of  the  Church.  Miracles  have 
ceased,  but  the  constitution  of  the  gospel  ministry  is 
of  permanent  duration.  This  requires  discussion. 
I  solicit  your  attention  both  to  the  proposition  and 
its  proof 

2.  It  is  the  ordinance  of  God,  that  a  public  mi- 
nistry should  be  continued  in  his  church  unto  the 
end  of  the  world. 

Some  divine  institutions  are  of  a  temporary  na- 
ture and  use,  and  consequently  of  temporary  dura- 
tion. Statutes  predicated  upon  circumstances  which 
have  ceased  to  exist,  are  no  longer  obligatory.  To 
the  church  in  the  wilderness  commandments  were 
given,  which  ceased  to  be  law,  after  Israel  was  set- 
tled in  the  land  of  promise.  The  ordinances  which 
God  had  appointed  relative  to  the  Tabernacle,  were 
superseded  upon  the  building  of  the  Temple. 

*  Acts  20.  28. 
B 


(      10     ) 

Tlic  whole  ceremonial  part  of  the  forms  of  wor- 
ship divinely  appointed  for  the  Hebrew  church,  was 
restricted  in  its  duration  to  the  time  of  Christ.  The 
ministry  of  John  ceased  when  Jesus  was  publicly 
revealed  as  the  messenger  of  the  Covenant.  And 
when  our  Saviour  offered  himself  as  a  sacrifice,  with- 
out spot  unto  God,  the  typical  sacrifice  ceased  to  bo 
his  ordinance ;  and  the  Sacerdotal  order  perished 
with  it.  Christ  Jesus  is  the  only  PiHest,  the  onli/ 
Sacrifice,  and  the  only  Altar,  of  the  Christian 
church.  Judicious  Christians  never  use  these  terms 
in  relation  to  ecclesiastical  officers  or  worship,  but 
in  a  figurative  sense.  The  New  Testament  lan- 
2uag;e  and  doctrine  authorize  no  other  use  of 
them.  'ie?£^c,  is  never  applied  to  a  Christian  mi- 
nister. And  although  the  word  Priest  is  a  deriva- 
tive from  n|£f/3i;Ts?of,  the  common  name  of  all  eccle- 
siastical rulers,  seeing  it  has  been  appropriated  by 
the  translators  of  the  Bible  to  'ie^evj,  it  is  a  perver- 
sion of  language  to  apply  it  otherwise  than  meta- 
phorically to  the  Christian  ministry — a  perversion, 
however,  which  is  the  principal  support  of  the  high 
claims  of  both  the  papal  and  prelatical  hierarchies. 

Are  we  then  to  infer  from  the  revocation  of  sta- 
tutes designed  for  a  temporary  use,  and  from  the 
abolition  of  the  Jewish  ceremonies  and  hierarchy, 
that  the  office  of  the  ministry  has  ceased  with  the 
first  ages  of  the  Christian  Church  ?    By  no  means. 


(  II  ) 

The  ministry  of  reconciliation  is  always  useful — Ii 
corresponds  with  the  state  of  the  Church  in  the 
world — No  intimation  was  ever  given  hy  God  of 
its  intended  limitation  to  the  first  ages  of  the  gospel 
— But  its  very  constitution  implies  its  destined  per- 
petuity. 

All  the  objects,  which  were  at  any  time  proposed 
to  be  answered,  by  the  institution  of  the  Gospel  mi- 
nistry, remain  still  to  be  answered  by  it ;  and  the 
means,  once  divinely  authorized,  must  be  continued 
to  be  employed,  until  the  end  be  completely  accom- 
plished. There  is  nothing  peculiar  to  any  one  age 
in  these  objects — the  communication  of  knowledge 
— the  conversion  of  sinners — the  edification  of  be- 
lievers— the  conviction  of  gainsayers — the  defence 
of  the  gospel — the  organization  of  churches — and 
the  directing  the  public  worship  of  the  congregation. 
The  office,  of  course,  which  was  originally  appointed 
to  accomplish  these  purposes,  must  continue  to  the 
end  of  the  world.  "  Go  ye  into  all  the  world,  and 
preach  the  gospel  to  e^very  creature — To  open  their 
eyes,  and  to  turn  them  from  darkness  to  light,  from 
the  power  of  Satan  unto  God — For  the  perfecting 
of  the  Saints,  for  the  work  of  the  ministry,  for  the 
edifying  of  the  body  of  Christ :  Till  we  all  come  in 
the  unify  of  the  faith,  and  of  the  knowledge  of  the 
Son  of  God,  unto  a  perfect  maif\" 

*  Mark  16.  15.     Acts  26.  18.     Eph.  4.  12,  13. 


(      12     ) 

This  institution  also  corresponds  with  the  state 
of  the  New  Testament  Church  in  the  world. 

Divine  revelation  is  now  completed,  and  commit- 
ted to  writing.  Before  revelaiion  was  committed  to 
writing,  a  succession  of  prophets,  who  taught  by  im- 
mediate inspiration,  was  necessary,  and  was  provid- 
ed by  the  head  of  the  Church.  Before  the  Old  Tes- 
tament canon  was  completed,  and  prophecy  had 
ceased  under  that  dispensation,  God  provided  as  an 
appendage  to  the  Mosaic  economy,  tlie  synagogue 
services  for  reading  and  expounding  the  law ;  and 
he  remarkably  blessed  this  institution  as  the  suc- 
cessful means  of  a  general  diffusion  of  knowledge, 
the  preservation  of  morals,  and  the  preventing  of 
idolatry.  Since  the  period  in  which  the  New  Tes- 
tament canon  was  completed,  no  new  inspirations 
are  expected,  and  consequently  extraordinary  am- 
bassadors, such  as  Apostles  and  Prophets,  are  not 
adapted  to  the  situation  in  which  God  hath  placed 
Zion.  And  yet  these  sacred  writings  in  which  the 
will  of  heaven  is  revealed,  require  study  and  expo- 
sition, and  a  constant  application  for  the  instruction 
of  the  successive  generations  of  men.  The  Scrip- 
tures are,  it  is  true,  in  the  description  of  the  prin- 
cipal features  of  the  system  of  redemption,  so  full,  so 
plain,  and  so  forcible,  that  every  man  may  readily 
perceive  and  understand  what  be  the  first  princi- 
ples of  the  oracles  of  God.     But  the  perfection  of 


(      13     ) 

Christian  knowledge,  for  the  possession  of  which  all 
are  bound  to  strive,  is  not  of  so  easy  attainment. 
This  requires  the  aid  of  talents,  and  piet}^,  and  lite- 
rature, and  faithfulness,  to  be  exclusively  devoted  to 
its  service  ;  and,  of  course,  a  peculiar  order  ofmen^ 
who  shall  be  disincumbered  from  the  ordinary  occu- 
pations of  life,  that  they  may  give  themselves  wholly 
up  to  their  ministry.  The  rapid  increase  of  know- 
ledge in  all  other  departments  of  science,  and  the  fa- 
cility with  which  general  information  is  diffused 
among  men,  require  increasing  attention  to  Christian 
literature.  The  philosophy  of  the  w  orld  would  soon 
overwhelm  with  superior  talents  and  acquisitions,  the 
professed  disciples  of  our  Lord,  had  he  not  made 
provision  for  a  standing  ministry,  Mhose  exertions 
should  be  consecrated  to  the  instruction  of  the  man 
of  God.  The  depths  of  divine  wisdom  contained  in 
the  Scriptures  will  afford  to  the  most  vigorous  intel- 
lect, and  the  most  unremitting  industry,  occasion  for 
constant  exertion  and  a  plentiful  reward.  And  the 
Lord's  day  calls  upon  every  minister,  for  an  exhi- 
bition of  the  results  of  his  pious  labours,  in  conduct- 
ing the  business  of  that  public  school  of  instruction, 
to  which  the  youth  and  the  aged,  the  learned  and 
the  ignorant,  the  weak  and  the  strong,  the  saint  and 
the  sinner,  are  required  to  come  on  the  first  day  of 
each  returning  week,  to  learn  repentance  and  obedi- 


(      14     ) 

ence,  and  to  present  their  public  devotion  to  the  au- 
thor of  their  lives  and  their  mercies. 

No  intimation  has  been  given  to  us  that  the  Re- 
deemer intended  to  limit  the  appointment  of  a  pub- 
lic ministry  to  the  first  ages  of  the  church.  There 
is  nothing  contained  in  the  nature  or  circumstances 
of  the  appointment  from  which  such  limitation  can 
be  justly  inferred;  nor  is  it  any  where  throughout 
the  New  Testament  expressly  revealed  that  the  mi- 
nistry  should  become  extinct  before  the  end  of  the 
world.  Divine  ordinances,  which  do  not  contain  a 
limitation  to  any  specified  time,  in  the  nature  or 
circumstances  of  the  appointment,  and  which  arc 
not  expressly  limited  by  the  authority  which  enjoins 
them,  must  be  considered  as  of  permanent  obliga- 
tion. This  is  not,  however,  a  matter  of  mere  infe- 
rence. 

The  constitution  of  the  gospel  ministry,  necessa- 
rily implies  its  destined  perpetuity. 

The  extent  of  the  commission  given  by  the  Saviour 
— the  work  appointed  by  him  to  be  performed — and 
the  promise  of  protection,  all  proceed  upon  this  prin- 
ple,  that  the  church  should  never  upon  earth  be  des- 
titute of  a  public  ministry.  1 .  The  Commission  ex- 
tends to  all  the  earth,  "  Go  ye,  therefore,  and  teach 
all  nations;'  and  to  the  earth  at  all  times  and  in 
all  generations,    "  Go  ye  into  all  the  worhl  and 


(      15     ) 

preach  the  Gospel  to  every  creature*.  2.  The 
xvork  to  be  performed  is  not  completed  until 
the  end  of  the  world,  "  Till  we  all  come  in  the 
unity  of  the  faith,  and  of  the  knowledge  of  the  son 
of  God,  unto  a  perfect  man,  unto  the  measure  of  the 
stature  of  the  fulness  qf  Christ-\.  3.  The  promise 
of  support  is  co-extensive  with  the  duration  of  the 
office ;  and  as  the  promise  extends  to  the  end  of  the 
world,  so  must  also  the  ministry  to  which  it  is  made, 
"  And  lo,  I  am  ivith  you  alway,  even  unto  the  end 
of  the  worldX. 

An  ordinance  of  heaven,  of  permanent  usefulness 
and  durability,  certainly  demands  from  the  saints 
every  possible  exertion  for  its  support  and  preserva- 
tion. And  every  part  of  the  church  of  God,  having 
an  interest  in  this  appointment,  is  bound  to  exert  it- 
self for  procuring  a  regular  stated  ministry.  Chris- 
tians have  ample  encouragement  for  such  exertions, 

3.  God  hath  covenanted  with  his  church  to  sup- 
ply her  congregations  with  a  public  ministry- — "  And 
I  will  give  you  Pastors." 

All  divine  administrations  proceed  upon  the  foot- 
iqg  of  a  covenant  establishment  between  God  and 
man.  The  whole  display  of  mercy,  made  in  divine 
revelation,  proceeds  from  the  everlasting  covenant 

*  Math.  28.  19.     Mark  16.  15. 

t  Eph.  4.  13.  \  Math,  28.  20, 


(     16-     ) 

which  is  between  the  Father  and  liis  only  Son  Je- 
sus Christ,  as  the  head  of  the  election  of  grace. 
Saving  grace  is  a  covenant  blessing,  and  all  the 
means  of  grace  are  reduced  into  a  covenant  form. 
The  existence  of  saints  on  earth,  implies  the  exist- 
ence of  a  people  rcallx)  in  covenant  \\\\X\  God  ;  and 
the  existence  of  apparent  saints  as  necessarily  im- 
plies that  of  a  visible  covenant  people.  This  is  the 
visible  Church  Catholic.  Not  the  publication  of  the 
gospel  at  Jerusalem  on  the  day  of  Pentecost — not 
the  personal  ministry  of  the  Saviour — not  the  baptism 
of  John — not  the  covenants  of  Sinai  or  Circumci- 
sion, laid  the  foundation  of  this  society.  The  cove- 
nant of  grace  secures  in  Christ  a  redeemed  church, 
and  the  revelation  of  that  covenant  secures  a  body 
of  people,  visible  in  the  world,  and  professedly  in 
covenant  with  God,  until  all  the  elect  be  collected 
into  heaven.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  shall  we  ar- 
rive at  certainty,  that  the  constituent  members  of  the 
church  visible  are  precisely  the  same  with  those  of 
the  invisible  church  elected  in  Christ  Jesus,  and  call- 
ed. We  are  however  assured,  my  brethren,  that 
since  the  revelation  of  the  first  promise,  and  the  pro- 
fession of  faith  made  by  the  first  pair,  a  church  shall 
be  continued  in  the  world,  ia  covenant  with  God — a 
people  shall  be  visibly  distinguished  by  their  profess- 
ed submission  to  tae  revelation  of  his  grace,  until  the 


(     17     ) 

end  of  the  world.  To  this  people  God  has  pledged 
his  word,  his  word  of  truth,  to  bestow  upon  them 
the  means  of  knowledge,  to  preserve  among  them 
his  ordinances.  For  this  people,  under  the  Chris- 
tian dispensation,  he  has  engaged  to  provide  a  pub- 
lic ministry. 

1 .  Promises,  made  upon  the  footing  of  a  perma- 
nent relation  between  God  and  his  church,  which 
have  respect  to  a  benefit  of  a  permanent  nature,  are 
to  be  understood  as  securing  to  the  church  that  be- 
nefit indefinitely  throughout  every  period  of  time. 
And  although  the  promise  should  be  expressed  in 
language  more  appropriate  to  one  period  than  an- 
other; this  does  not  hinder  the  application  of  the  be- 
nefit promised  in  any  other  period.  The  Old  Tes- 
tament phraseology  will  not  deprive  the  New  Testa- 
ment church  of  her  hope  in  the  blessings  which  are 
promised  of  God.  "  For  the  people  shall  dwell  in 
Zion — And  though  the  Lo7'd  give  you  the  bread  of 
ad'versity,  and  the  waters  of  affliction,  yet  shall  not 
thy  teachers  be  removed  into  a  corner  any  more,  but 
thine  eyes  shall  see  thy  teachers — /  have  set  watch- 
men upon  thy  walls,  O  Jerusalem,  which  shall  never 
hold  their  peace*.''  These  promises  are  perfectly 
applicable  to  the  Christian  church. 

*  Isa.  30.  20,  21.  &  62.  6. 
C 


(      18     ) 

2.  Many  promises  delivered  by  the  prophets  were 
designed  to  refer  immediately  to  the  New  Testament 
church ;  and  were  so  applied  by  th6  apostles  of  our 
Lord.  Some  of  these  refer  to  the  Christian  Minis- 
try. Therefore  vi\f  people  shall  know  my  name — How 
^heautifid  upon  the  mountains  are  the  jcet  oj  him 

that  bringeth  good  tidings,  that  pubUsheth  peace — 
Thy  watchmen  shall  lift  up  the  voice :  with  the  voice 
together  sJiall  they  sing : — All  the  ends  of  the  earth 
shall  see  the  salvation  of  our  God.  And  how  shall 
they  hear  without  a  preacher  ?  And  hoxv  shall  they 
preach  except  they  be  sent  ?  as  it  is  written,  how 
beaut  ifiil  are  the  feet  of  them  that  preach  the  gospel 
of  peace*. 

3.  The  Redeemer,  in  whom  the  promises  are  made, 
and  in  whom  they  are  accomplished,  has  solemnly 
engaged  never  to  leave  his  church  entirely  destitute 
of  a  public  ministry.  He  Avalks  amidst  the  golden 
candlesticks.  He  holds  the  stars  in  his  right  hand. 
He  gives  power  to  his  a\  itnesses.  He  commits  to  his 
ministers  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  He 
hath  engaged  that  the  gates  of  hell  shall  never  pre- 
vail against  his  church,  and  that  he  shall  accompany 
his  ministers  until  time  itself  shall  terminate,  and 
eternity  be  unfolded. 

*  Isa.  52.  6,  7.  10.  Sc  Rom.  10.  U,  15. 


(     19    ) 

Never  shall  the  Catholic  church — the  visible 
kingdom  of  God,  be  dissolved,  or  her  officers  annihi- 
lated. And  although  rising  congregations  be  some- 
times, as  you  have  been,  destitute  of  a  fixed  ministry ; 
although  there  is  no  security  against  deaths  and  tem- 
porary vacancies ;  yet  there  is  infallible  ground  of 
faith,  that  God  will  fulfil  his  covenant  to  those  who 
wait  upon  him  in  the  way  of  his  commandments. 
To  day  he  fulfils  his  promise  to  you — And  I  will 
gather  the  remnant  of  my  flock — and  will  bring 
them  again  to  their  folds — and  I  will  set  up  shep- 
herds over  them  which  shall  feed  them,  saith  the 
Lord*,       , 

II.  God  hath  set  distinguishing  marks  upon  the 
ministry,  of  which  he  approves — "  Pastors  accord- 
ing; to  mine  heart." 

Had  the  Chnstian  church  in  its  visible  form  been 
so  distinct  from  the  world,  that  every  person  who  is 
not  a  sincere  disciple,  did  profess  himself  a  de- 
spiser  of  religion,  there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  as- 
certaining precisely  its  members.  But  a  wise  pro- 
vidence orders  it  otherwise.  "  The  tares  grow  up 
with  the  wheat  until  the  harvest."  A  complete  se- 
paration would  not  correspond  with  the  economy  of 
this  state  of  imperfection.     Even  the  sacred  office  of 

*  Jer.  23.  3,  4. 


(     ^0     ) 

the  ministry  has  been  invaded  by  unsanctified  men. 
"  The  Priests  teach  for  hire,  and  the  Prophets  divine 
for  money."  The  head  of  the  church  hath  left  for 
his  followers  a  caution  to  beware  of  a  false  ministry. 
"  And  many  false  prophets  shall  rise  and  deceive 
many — if  it  were  possible  they  shall  deceive  the  very 
elect — Some  preach  Christ  of  envy — speaking  lies 
in  hypocrisy — There  shall  be  false  teachers  among 
you."  We  cannot,  therefore,  doubt  that  there  exists 
a  ministry,  professing  to  be  Christian,  of  which  God 
does  not  approve,  which  is  not  his  ordinance,  which 
will  not  profit  the  people,  Avhich  is,  in  short,  an  evil 
against  which  all  Christians  ought  to  be  upon  their 
guard.  This  subject,  my  brethren,  is  of  too  much 
importance  to  be  lightly  esteemed.  You  are  called 
upon  "  to  prove  all  things."  You  are  bound  to 
"  try  the  Spirits."  You  are  bound  to  judge  for  your- 
selves according  to  truth,  and  to  reject  those  who 
have  run  unsent.  You  are  bound  to  receive  as  the 
messengers  of  peace,  and  to  support  as  the  ordi- 
nance of  Christ,  the  ministers  of  the  church  of  God, 
"  Thou  hast  tried  them  which  say  they  are  Apostles, 
and  are  not,  and  hast  found  them  liars  J"  They  do 
not  act  in  a  friendly  manner  to  the  cause  of  religion, 
who  attempt  to  stifle  inquiry  into  the  character  of 
the  Christian  ministry.  Those  who  love  the  gates 
of  Zion,  those  whose  souls  are  anxious  to  be  fed  by 


(  21  ) 

•Pastors  according  to  God's  heart,  cannot  easily  be 
prevented  from  inquiring,  How  shall  the  ministry 
which  •  is  of  divine  appointment  be  ascertained  ? 
How  shall  you  be  able  to  test  our  several  pre- 
tensions and  claims  ?  This  is  not  to  be  done,  by 
merely  hearing  a  Preacher,  and  judging  his  elo- 
quence, his  earnestness,  or  his  doctrine.  A  man 
may  preach  truth,  and  yet  do  it  deceitfully,  par- 
tially, and  without  authority.  Neither  is  the  fact  to 
be  ascertained  by  the  number,  or  rank,  or  power  of 
those  by  whom  a  ministry  may  be  recommended. 
"  Follow  not  a  multitude  to  do  evil — The  wisdom  of 
this  world  is  foolishness- — And  all  the  world  wonder- 
ed after  the  beast."  Nor  is  it  to  be  ascertained,  by 
the  multitude  of  reputed  conversions  which  accom- 
pany a  person's  ministry,  whether  or  not  he  has  the 
authority  of  IMessiah.  Many  faithful  ministers  have 
had  little  visible  success.  The  Redeemer  himself 
stretched  out  his  hands  to  disobedient  and  gainsay- 
ing" people.  And  multitudes  may  appear  much  af- 
fected where  there  is  really  no  gracious  change  of 
heart.  They  may  appear  sincere  and  zealous,  in 
giving  glory  to  God,  and  in  singing  Hosannahs. 
while  as  yet  they  are  ready,  under  a  change  of  ex- 
ternal circumstances,  to  cry  out  with  all  their  hearts, 
"  Not  this  man,  but  Barrabas."  The  distinguishing 
marks  which  God  hath  set  upon  the  ministry  which 


(      22     ) 

he  approves,  are,  a  Umiful  calllo  the  ofiice,  and  a  lij'c 
correspond'uii^  with  its  sacred  functions. 

1.  The  Pastor  according  to  God's  heart,  has  re- 
ceived a  regular  call  to  the  ministry. 

It  is  a  general  proposition  of  divine  inspiration, 
That  no  ecclesiastical  office  is  to  be  undertaken 
without  a  call  from  God.  The  head  of  the  church 
was  liimself  subjected  to  this  law.  And  as  there 
was  no  exception  admitted  in  his  favour,  it  is  vain  to 
expect  it  in  favour  of  any  other.  And  no  man  takcth 
this  Jionour  unto  himself,  but  he  that  is  called  oj 
God,  as  was  Aaron — So  also  Christ  glorijitd  not  him- 
self to  be  made  an  High  Priest ;  but  he  that  said  un- 
to him.  Thou  art  mi/  Son — called  of  God  an  Nigh 
Priest  *.  By  a  divine  call  to  any  work  or  office  is 
meant,  not  merely  that  it  comes  to  pass  in  the  pro- 
\idence  of  God  that  a  person  is  engaged  in  such 
work  or  office,  but  tliat  he  is  employed  by  divine  au- 
thority therein.  The  call  of  God  to  ecclesiastical 
office,  is  inward,  when  there  is  a  divine  influence  . 
experienced  upon  the  mind,  inclining  and  command- 
ing the  person  to  devote  himself  to  the  service  of 
the  Church.  It  is  outward,  when  accompanied  with 
external  evidence  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  church. 
It  is  extraordinari/,  when  a  person  is  employed  im- 

*  Ileb.  5.  4,  5.  10. 


(     23     ) 

mediately  by  the  Divine  Being,  without  the  inter- 
vention of  such  human  agencies  as  are  regulated  by 
stated  lavvs.  It  is  ordinary,  when  authority  is  con- 
ferred agreeably  to  such  external  order  as  God  hath 
appointed  to  be  observed-  as  the  standing  ordinance 
of  his  empire.  The  imvqrd  call  may  satisfy  a 
man's  own  mind ;  but  others  must,  in  order  to  re- 
ceive him,  have  some  external  evidence.  If  this 
were  not  the  case,  there  would  be  no  end  of  impos- 
ture. No  man  is  to  be  recognised  as  an  ambassador 
of  Christ  without  an  outward  call.  The  extraordi- 
nary call,  is  always  accompanied  with  infallible  evi- 
dence. The  seal  of  miracles  gives  evidence  of  the 
authenticity  of  the  commission,  and  is  sufficient  to 
remove  all  suspicion  of  fraud.  To  this  evidence  the 
Redeemer  hath  taught  us  by  his  own  example  to  ap- 
peal. The  works  that  I  do — they  bear  witness  of 
me*.  But  miracles  are  ceased.  It  is  only  therefore 
for  the  ordinary  ontxvard  call  we  are  to  look  in  ex- 
amining the  pretensions  of  ecclesiastical  officers — 
And  this  consists  in  ordination  by  the  laying  on  of 
the  hands  of  the  Presbytery.  You  will  readily  per- 
ceive, therefore,  my  brethren,  that  I  consider  such 
ordination  as  the  first  mark  of  the  ministry  which 
God  npprovcs.     In  defence  of  this  sentiment,  I  pro- 

*  John  10.  2o.     . 


(     ^'4     ) 

pose  to  show — that  ordination  is  the  ministerial  call 
— that  ordination  is  by  the  imposition  of  hands — 
that  the  laying  on  of  hands  belongs  exclusively  to 
the  Presbytery. 

1.  Ordination  constitutes  the  call  of  God  to  the 
ministry  of  reconciliation  in  the  Gospel  church. 

Ordination  is  the  authoritative  designation  of  a 
person  to  office  in  the  church  of  Christ,  by  those  who 
have  power  according  to  the  will  of  God  to  trans- 
mit the  ministerial  authority.  According  to  the 
constitution  of  the  Christian  church,  certain  offices 
are  created  by  the  divine  Redeemer,  and  this  consti- 
tution cannot  be  put  into  operation  unless  persons 
are  appointed  to  fill  these  offices.  An  extraordinary 
call  from  God  is  not  now  to  be  expected ;  these  of- 
fices must  therefore  be  filled  up  in  one  of  two  ways; 
Either  every  one  who  chooses  may  assume  an  office 
without  ceremony  and  without  qualifications,  or 
some  person  or  persons  must  have  po^er,  from  the 
head  of  the  church,  to  Judge  of  the  qualifications  of 
candidates,  and  to  reject  them,  or  invest  them  with 
the  office.  The  first  of  these  ways  is  so  evidently 
disorderly  and  absurd,  that  you  will  not  require  ar- 
guments to  prove  that  it  is  not  the  order  of  the  house 
of  God.  And  the  last  implies  all  that  I  now  con- 
tend for,  that  ordination  constitutes  the  Minister. 
Under  the  Old  Testament,  none  was  admitted  to 


(     25     ) 

any  ordinary  office  in  the  church  without  inauguration. 
The  Priests  and  the  Levites  were  by  divine  appoint- 
ment publicly  introduced  into  their  ministerial  offi- 
ces, and  the  rulers  of  the  Synagogue  were  never  ad- 
mitted without  ordination.  The  head  of  the  church 
was  ordained  of  God  an  High  Priest ;  and  he  or- 
dained his  apostles.  Without  ordination  even  Dea- 
cons could  not  be  admitted  to  exercise  poAver  over 
the  temporalities  of  the  church*.  Every  where,  in 
short,  those  who  exercised  the  ministry  were  ordain- 
ed by  competent  authority.  And  it  would  have  been 
the  height  of  absurdity  to  give  specific  directions 
about  the  qualifications  of  Elders  and  Bishops,  and 
about  their  ordination,  had  every  one  possessed  a 
right  to  assume  the  office  at  pleasure — had  there 
been  no  ordaining  power  appointed  in  the  churchf. 
The  conclusion  is  therefore  irresistible — He  who  is 
not  ordained,  is  not  the  ambassador  of  Jesus  Christ. 
No  plea  of  qualifications  for  teaching,  no  plea  of  ne- 
cessity, can  justify  a  violation  of  the  law  of  Christ  by 
intrusion  into  the  Gospel  ministry.  Nothing  short  of 
immediate  inspiration,  of  a  special  revelation  from 
Heaven,  can  supply  the  want  of  ordination  to  a  mi- 
nister of  the  Gospel.  "  Hozv  shall  they  preach  e.v- 
cept  they  be  sent  %  f 

*  Lev.  8.    Num.  8.     John  20.  21.    Acts  6.  16.  &  14.  23. 
t    1  Tim  ".  1—7.    Tit.  1.  5—9.  t  Rom.  10.  15. 

D 


(  2(J  •) 

2.  Ordination  to  the  holy  ministry  is  to  be  per- 
formed by  imposition  of  hands. 

Upon  this  subject,  my  brethren,  much  variety  of 
opinion  has   existed   among  those  who  profess  the 
Christian  religion.     St)nic  have  supposed  that  lai/ing 
on  of  hands  was  used  only   in  extraordinary  cases, 
and  consequently  ought  not  to  be  practised  in  ordi- 
nations.    Others  have  considered  it  as  a  sacrament. 
It  has  been  also  represented  as  a  significant  cere- 
mony, as  a  solemn  farce,  as  a  relict  of  popery,  as  a 
piece  of  clerical  imposition.     The  early  reformers 
of  the  church  from  popery,  both  in  Scotland  and  in 
other  countries,  were  not  all  exactly  of  the  same 
sentiments    about  this    ordinance.      Although   the 
great  body  of  them  considered  ordination  by  impo- 
sition of  hands  as  a  divine  institution,  others  insist- 
ed that  it  was  not  essential  to  the  va-lidity  of  ordina- 
tion to  lay  on  hands.     In  Scotland,  the  reformers 
admitted  the  practice ;  but  in  the  4th  chapter  of  the" 
first  book  of  Discipline,  it  is  judged  not  to  be  an  es- 
sential part  of  ordination.     It  is   certain   that,   in 
that  countrv,  dissenters  from  the  popish  establish- 
ment existed  in  organized  churches  for  70  years  be- 
fore this,  and,  probably,  from  a  much  earlier  peri- 
od;  but  I  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain,  whether 
in  any  instance  ministers  had  been  actually  ordained 
without  the  laying  on  of  hands,  either  before  or  af- 
ter the  first  book  of  discipline  had  been  compiled. 


(     27     ) 

Indeed,  the  sentiment  expressed  in  the  4th  chapter, 
in  reference  to  this  subject,  did  not  long  prevail,  if 
ever  it  had  received  a  general  adoption.  This  book 
of  discipline  was  drawn  up  by  a  few  ministers,  and 
subscribed  by  a  part  of  the  nobility  who  embraced 
the  reformation  in  the  year  1561.  In  less  than  two 
years  thereafter,  a  general  assembly  was  constituted, 
which  gave  directions  for  having  it  revised.  Vari- 
ous causes,  which  distracted  the  church,  prevented 
another  system  of  policy  from  being  completed  for 
several  years.  And  in  the  mean  time  the  order  of 
the  church  was  regulated  a^  ithout  any  fixed  standard 
by  express  acts  of  assembly.  In  the  year  1758  was 
adopted  the  second  book  of  discipline,  which  re- 
quires ordination  by  imposition  of  hands. 

1  shall  not  take  it  upon  me,  my  brethren,  to  con- 
demn the  sentiments  of  such  as  say  that  ministers 
can  transmit  office-power  to  an  approved  candidate, 
by  setting  him  apart  in  the  name  of  the  head  of  the 
church  to  the  Mork  of  the  ministry,  without  laying 
on  hands  ;  but  I  shall  endeavour  to  prove,  that  im- 
position of  hands  at  ordinations  is  a  scriptural  ap- 
pointment— is  the  ordinance  of  God. 

The  Jews,  among  whom  the  Christian  ministry  was 
first  constituted,  were  perfectly  familiar  with  the 
practice  of  ordination  to  ecclesiastical  office  by  the 
laying  on  of  hands.  They  required  no  laboured 
explanations  upon  this  subject.     Every  one  knew 


(     28     ) 

that  tlie  ministers  of  the  synagogue  were  uniformly 
ordained  in  this  manner.  The  Jewish  rabbis,  in 
j)roof  of  the  antiquity  of  the  practice,  refer  us  to  the 
time  of  Moses  *,  and  urge,  that  all  power  originat- 
ing from  God,  and  exercised  among  them,  is  in  this 
manner  permanently  transmitted.  The  learned 
Lightfoot  was  led  into  a  mistake,  by  an  inaccurate 
view  of  a  passage  in  Maimonides,  about  the  prac- 
tice of  the  Jews,  in  the  time  of  Christ,  in  ordaining 
their  doctors.  This  mistake  is  corrected  by  the  ve- 
ry learned  Vitringa,  who  demonstrates  that  all  ordi- 
nations were  by  the  laying  on  of  hands,  and  exhi- 
bits abundant  evidence  that  the  church  in  this  res- 
pect followed  the  practice  of  the  synagogue  "j". 
This  fact  will  serve  to  throw  light  on  those  passages 
of  the  New  Testament  which  relate  to  this  part  of 
ecclesiastical  order.  I  shall  now  submit  some  of 
these  texts  to  your  consideration. 

(1 .)  1  Tim.  5.  22.  Lay  hands  suddenly  on  no  man^ 
neither  he  partaker  of  other  men's  sins.  The  whole 
of  the  argument  from  the  17th  verse  respects  the 
ministers  of  religion.  Honour  is  due  to  them — 
they  are  entitled  to  a  decent  maintainance — tliey  are 
not  to  be  accused  upon  slight  grounds — When  they 
offend,  discipline  must  be  administered  upon  them 
with  faithfulness  and  impartiality. — And  in  order  to 

*  Deut.  34.  9.        t  Vitringa  dc  Syn.  Vet.  Lib.  3.  Cap.  15. 


(     2.9     ) 

prevent  the  curse  of  a  vicious  ministry,  orders  are 
given  that  none  be  rashly  ordained  to  this  holy  of- 
fice ;  for  those  who,  from  negligence,  admit  base  men 
to  the  ministry,  are  partakers  of  their  sins.  The 
meaning  of  the  phrase,  "  lay  hands  suddenly  on  no 
man,""  is,  therefore,  perfectly  obvious — Let  none  be 
ordained  to  the  gospel  ministry  who  is  not  known  to 
possess  due  qualifications.  That  this  text  refers  to 
ordination  is  evident,  because,  1,  The  whole  argu- 
ment of  which  it  is  a  part  refers  to  ministers.  2. 
This  direction  refers  to  what  was  the  well  known  me- 
thod of  ordination  to  office.  3.  Because  the  com- 
munication of  miraculous  gifts  by  imposition  of 
hands,  could  not  have  been  a  subject  of  ordinary 
rules.  It  would  be  absurd  to  exhort  the  prophets, 
"  Teach  not  error,  while  you  are  speaking  by  inspiia- 
"  tion."  But  if  this  text  refers  at  all  to  ordination,  it 
establishes  the  doctrine  of  the  imposition  of  hands  : 
for  otherwise  the  whole  work  of  ordination  would 
not  have  been  included  in  the  direction,  "  lay  on 
hands." 

(2.)  I  shall  quote  1  Tim.  4.  14.  Neglect  not  the 
s:[ft  that  is  in  thee,  which  was  given  thee  by  prophe- 
cy with  the  laying  on  of'  the  hands  of  the  Presbyte- 
ry. The  apostle  is  in  this  chapter  describing  the  du- 
ty of  a  "  good  minister  of  Jesus  Christ!"  See  verse 
6.  And  he  urges  Timothy  to  exercise  aright  his 
own  ministry.  Verses  ] 2 — \6.     The  gift,  therefore. 


(     30     ) 

(x*?'i»'/*«)  in  the  14.  must  be  understood  of  the  ofHce- 
power  conferred  upon  him.  This  is  expressly  said 
to  have  been  conferred  upon  him  with  imposition  of 
hands. 

(3.)  You  will  perceive  another  proof  of  this  doc- 
trine, and  of  the  importance  in  which  it  was  held  in 
the  estimation  of  the  primitive  church,  in  Heb.  6.  2. 
Of  the  doctri?2e  of  baptisms,  and  of  laying  ox  of 
HANDS,  and  of  resurrection  of  the  dead,  and  of 
eternal  judgments.  This  text,  however,  in  order  to 
be  understood,  must  be  considered  in  connexion  with 
the  argument  of  which  it  is  a  part.  The  Hebrews 
are  reproved  for  their  slow  progress  in  Christian 
knowledge,  chap.  5.  11  — 14.  The  apostle  exhorts 
them  to  behave  as  men  of  discernment,  and  in 
chap.  6.  1 .  to  go  on  unto  the  perfection  of  Christian 
knowledge,  leaving  the  principles  of  the  doctrine  of 
Christ  so  firmly  established  as  articles  of  faith,  that 
they  should  not  hereafter  be  under  the  necessity  of 
returning  to  lay  a  second  time  their  foundation. 
Tar  from  encouraging  indifference  to  any  part  of  the 
Christian  system,  he  exhorts  every  one  to  diligence 
in  procuring  information  upon  every  subject.  The 
convenient  distinction  between  essentials  and  circum- 
stantials, which  has  since  been  so  industriously  and, 
alas  !  so  effectually  employed  in  cooling  the  zeal,  and 
in  flattering  the  indolence  of  Christians,  was  as  yet 
unknown.     The  apostles  thought,  that  whatever  was 


(     31     ) 

worthy  of  God  to  reveal,  was  certainly  worthy  of  man 
to  receive  and  understand.  The  writer  of  the  Epistle 
to  the  Hebrews  makes,  indeed,  a  distinction  between 
elementary  doctrines  and  those  which  are  necessary 
to  the  perfection  of  the  system  ;  but  among  the  Jir^st 
principles  of  tJie  oracles  of  Gody,  and  along  with  re- 
pe?itance,  faith,  the  resurrection,  and  the  judg- 
ment, he  enumerates  also  the  sacrament  of  baptism 
and  the  Christian  ministry.  This  is  unquestionably 
the  meaning  of  the  text  under  examination.  The 
doctrine  of  the  "  laying  on  of  hands,""  is  one  of  the 
principles  of  the  doctrine  of  Christ,  a  fundamental 
doctrine  in  the  perfect  edifice  of  Christian  know- 
ledge. It  cannot  at  all  apply,  in  this  case,  to  the 
act  by  which  the  gift  of  miracles  was  conveyed. 
The  Hebrew  converts  would  not  readily  so  under- 
stand an  expression  which  they  were  in  the  habit  of 
using  themselves,  in  their  synagogues,  as  synoni- 
mous  with  ordination.  Miracles  were  of  temporary 
use ;  the  ministry  is  permanent.  Without  their  con- 
tinuance, the  church  is  complete  in  doctrine  and  or- 
ders ;  but  without  a  ministry,  she  cannot  even  exist 
in  her  organized  visible  form.  And  if  the  ministry 
be  at  all  referred  to  in  the  text,  it  follows  that  retrular 
ordination  is  by  the  laying  on  of  hands. 

(4.)  I  shall  examine  one  other  passage  of  the  New 
Testament  in  corroboration  of  this  doctrine.  Acts 
13.  2,  3.     The  Holi/  (r host  said,  Separate  me  Bar- 


(     32     ) 

nabas  and  Saul  for  the  work  whereunto  1  lui've  call- 
ed them.     And,  lichen  they  had  fasted  and  prayed, 
and  LAID  THEIR  HANDS  ON  THEM,  they  Sent  them 
away.     From  this   it  appears  that  the  ministry  at 
Antioch  were  divinely  directed  to  set  apart  Barna- 
bas and  Saul,   two  of  their  number,  to  a  certain 
work  to  which  God  had  called  them  ;  and  that  these 
tM  o  ministers  were  accordingly  set  apart  by  their 
brethren  to  that  work,   by  the  imposition  of  hands. 
Upon  this  work,  it  also  appears  from  verse  4.  they 
immediately  set  out.     After   an    absence  of  three 
years,  they  returned  to  Antioch,  "  from  whence  they 
had  been  recommended  to  the  grace  of  God  for  the 
work  which   they  fuljilled*."     Upon  their  return, 
they  declare  to  the  church  that  the  work  had  been 
accomplished,  unto  which  they  had  been  especially 
called  of  God,   and    solemnly  set  apart  by  them. 
They  gave  to  their   brethren    an   account  of  that 
work — Christian    churches    have    been    organized 
among  the  heathen. — "  He  had  opened  the  door  of 
faith  unto  the  Ge7itiles-\.'"     This  solemn  transaction 
was  not  an  ordination  to  the  ministry  ;  but  a  call  to 
employ  the  ministry,   which  they  had  already  for 
many  years  possessed,  in  a  special  mission,  to  form 
churches  among  the  Gentiles,  who  were   hitherto 
sunk  in  idolatry. 

»  Acts  14..  26.  t    14.  2r. 


(      33     ) 

Perhaps  it  may  be  objected,  by  those  who  consi- 
der this  transaction  as  an  ordination  to  the  apostle- 
ship,  why  all  this  solemnity  about  a  mission  which 
was  already  authorized  in  the  general  commission  gi- 
ven to  the  apostles,  "  Go  ye  into  all  the  world  ?"  If 
no  new  powers  were  here  given,  wherefore  these  re- 
velations, prayers,  fasts,  and  this  imposition  of 
hands  ?  Had  not  multitudes  of  the  Gentiles  been 
already  converted  in  Cesaria,  in  Arabia,  and  in  An- 
tioch?  And  if  this  exposition  be  true,  what  relation 
has  this  transaction  to  the  doctrine  of  ordination  by 
the  laying  on  of  hands?  A  simple  statement  of 
facts  will,  I  trust,  remove  all  these  objections,  and 
satisfactorily  show  that  this  argument  is  not  irrele- 
vant to  the  case  in  hand. 

Joses  was  a  native  of  Cyprus,  and  a  Levite  by 
descent.  In  his  native  island  he  possessed  an  es- 
tate which  he  sold,  for  the  service  of  the  church, 
aying  the  price  at  the  apostles'  feet.  He  devoted 
his  talents  also  to  the  public  service;  and  for  his  pa- 
thetic eloquence,  received  from  the  apostles,  within 
a  year  alter  the  ascension  of  our  Lord,  the  name 
Barnabas,  the  Son  of  consolation*.  In  the  year  42, 
and  the  9th  of  his  ministry,  this  good  man,  full  of 


*  Acts  4.  36.  uo;  TrapaxXno-Ewg.     The  Son  of  Exhortation,  or 
Comfort,     The  preacher  who  touched  and  rejoiced  the  heart. 

K 


(     34     ) 

the  Holy  Ghost,  was  sent  from  Jerusalem  to  preach 
at  Antioch  in  Syria.  In  this  city  his  ministry  was 
remarkably  successful.  He  stood  in  need  of  minis- 
terial aid ;  and  having  visited  Tarsus,  he  prevailed 
upon  Saul  to  accompany  him  to  Antioch,  where 
they  laboured  with  great  success  for  a  twelve- 
month. It  was  at  the  close  of  the  year  44  that  they 
were  both  called  to  that  special  mission^  to  which 
they  were  set  apart  by  imposition  of  hands. 

Saul,  afterwards  called  Paul,  was  a  native  of  Tar- 
sus, a  city  of  Cilicia.  While  "  breathing  out  slaugh- 
ter" against  the  disciples  of  our  Loi'd,  he  was  mira- 
culously converted  on  the  road  to  Damascus,  in  the 
year  35.  Being  called  to  the  ministry  and  endowed 
with  the  Holy  Ghost,  he  preached  in  the  synagogue 
of  Damascus  ;  and  going  from  thence  into  Arabia, 
he  preached  the  Gospel  to  the  Jews  in  that  place  for 
two  years.  In  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the 
office,  to  which  he  had  received,  from  God,  an  extra- 
ordinary call,  he  journeyed  from  place  to  place,  un- 
til the  year  44,  when  he  was  sent  from  Antiocli 
along  with  Barnabas,  to  present  to  the  Presbytery  of 
Jerusalem,  the  collection  made  by  the  Christians  in 
Syria.  This  w  as  on  the  9th  year  of  his  ministry. 
While  he  was  in  Jerusalem,  he  entered  upon  a  cer- 
tain occasion  into  the  temple,  fell  into  a  transe,  was 
caught  up  into  the  third  heavens,  saw  the  Lord,  and 
received  from  him  immediate  directions  and  super-. 


(     35      ) 

natural  endowments  to  qualify  him  for  the  work  of 
Apostle  to  the  Gentiles.  After  his  return  to  Anti- 
och  along  with  Barnabas,  they  were  publicly  sef 
apart  to  their  mission. 

Every  thing  was  now  ready  for  admitting  the 
Gentiles  into  the  bosom  of  the  church  of  God,  with- 
out subjecting  them  to  the  law  of  Moses.  Nothing 
of  this  kind  had  hitherto  taken  place.  The  gospel 
was  confined  to  the  city  of  Jerusalem  for  the  first 
year  after  the  ascension  of  our  Saviour.  The  perse- 
cution, however,  in  which  Stephen  suffered  martyr- 
dom, scattered  the  preachers  of  the  gospel,  except 
the  apostles  themselves,  abroad  through  Palestine 
and  the  adjacent  provinces,  in  which  the  Jews  had 
formed  settlements.  These  preachers  taught  the 
same  doctrine  and  order  which  had  been  followed 
by  the  church  at  Jerusalem  ;  and  multitudes  of  the 
Jews  every  where  embraced  the  faith.  For  eight 
years,  the  gospel  was  preached  exclusively  to  the 
descendants  of  Abraham  *.  It  was  in ,  the  year  4 1 
that  the  Gentiles  were  first  admitted  into  the  church. 
And  these  first  fi:uits  were,  previously,  proselytes  to 
the  Jewish  religion  f.  Cornelius  was  a  devout  man, 
before  he  heard  the  gospel ;  and  yet  it  occasioned 
much  astonishment  and  much  controversy  among 
the  disciples,  that  even  he  and  those  who  believed 

*  Acts  11.  19.  t  Acts  10  — -.  Sc  11.  20. 


(     36     ) 

along  with  hiin,  and  along  with  him  received  the 
Holy  Ghoht,  had  been  admitted  by  the  apostle  Pe- 
ter to  the  privileges  of  the  church.  During  the 
three  ensuing  years,  however,  the  proselytes  o^ 
the  gate,  in  great  numbers,  joined  the  disciples 
of  Christ,  and  at  Antioch  they  first  became  distin- 
guished by  the  name  Christian.  For  these  eleven 
years,  the  Jews  and  the  proselyted  Gentiles  were 
nevertheless  the  only  converts.  They  constituted 
the  different  Christian  churches  which  had  hitherto 
been  organized.  The  idolatrous  Gentiles  likd  not 
yet  been  invited  to  repentance.  For  this  work  a 
.<{pecial  mission  is  with  awful  solemnity  now  provided. 
Although  the  apostolic  commission,  "  Go  ye^ 
therefore,  and  teach  all  7iations,''  authorizes  the 
preaching  of  the  gospel  to  all  men,  there  exists  even 
to  this  day,  a  powerful  discouragement  to  missions 
among  the  heathen.  Their  habits  of  thought  and  of 
life,  are  entirely  different  from  those  which  we  culti- 
vate ;  and  we  cannot  reason  w ith  them  from  Scrip- 
tures which  they  have  not  received  as  a  rule  of  faith. 
In  that  day,  it  appears  to  have  been  the  universal 
opinion,  that  the  promises  peculiarly  respected 
the  seed  of  Jacob.  It  required  a  vision  to  con- 
vince the  apostle  Peter  that  it  was  lawful  to  evan- 
gelize even  the  devout  gentiles.  Much  more  must 
it  have  been  necessary,  to  provide  special  instruc- 
tion about  opening  the  door  of  fnith  to  the  pagans. 


(      37      ) 

And  after  the  conversion  of  the  heathen,  a  question 
Avould  immediately  occur,  how  are  they  to  be  formed 
into  regular  assemblies  or  churches  ?  In  organizing 
congregations  among  the  believing  Jews  and  prose- 
lyte Gentiles,  there  was  little  difficulty.  These  had 
already  been  in  the  habit  of  submitting  to  the  direct 
tion  of  a  divine  revelation,  they  had  been  habituat- 
ed to  the  exercises  of  public  worship.  They  had 
been  accustomed  to  the  discipline  and  government 
of  the  Synagogue.  The  method  of  ordination  by 
the  laying  on  of  hands,  was  perfectly  familiar  to 
them.  It  was  entirely  otherwise  with  the  idolatrous 
Heathen.  It  was  therefore  necessary  that  the  first 
mission  to  them  should  be  so  conducted  as  to  estab- 
lish a  model  upon  which  all  ordinations  aniong  them 
should  be  performed.  Being  totally  unacquainted 
with  a  ministry  of  divine  appointment,  and  with  the 
forms  of  ordination  to  that  otiice,  nevertheless,  it 
pleased  God  to  provide  that  they  should  speedily 
upon  their  conversion,  be  organized  into  churches, 
have  elders  ordained  among  them,  and  the  ordinan- 
ces of  God  statedly  administered.  So  important 
was  to  be  the  influence  of  this  event,  "  opening  the 
"  door  of  faith  to  the  Heathen,"  upon  the  future 
character,  and  history  of  the  church  of  God,  that  the 
first  mission  is  conducted  as  if  it  had  been  itself  the 
beginning  of  the  gospel  dispensation  ;  as  if  all  that 
preceded  it  had-only  been  preparations  for  breaking 


(      38     ) 

off  the  natural  branches,  that  the  Ge?iti/es  might  be 
graffed  into  the  good  olive  tree,  that  the  casting  away 
of  the  Jews  might  be  the  reconciling  of  the  world. 

In  Antioch,  a  heathen  city  abounding  with  Gentile 
proselytes  converted  into  the  Cliristian  faith,  Barna- 
bas and  Saul,  bol;h  born  on  Gentile  ground,  receive 
their  mission  to  the  Heathen,  v,  ith  circumstances  of 
extraordinary  solemnity.  The  Holy  Ghost  called 
them — Their  brethren  in  the  ministry  were  com- 
manded by  a  voice  from  heaven  to  set  them 
apart — They  were  set  apart  with  fasting  and  pray- 
er, and  laying  on  of  hands — And  being  recom- 
mended to  the  grace  of  God,  they  departed  on  their 
mission.  They  considered  this  as  the  divinely  ap- 
pointed model  for  setting  apart,  to  the  pastoral  of- 
fice in  the  Churches  which  they  were  about  to  organ- 
ize, candidates  duly  qualified  for  the  ministry  of  re- 
conciliation. That  Paul  and  Barnabas  understood 
it  so  is  manifest.  They  practised  upon  it.  During 
three  years,  they  travelled  among  the  nations,  reduc- 
ing them  into  the  faith  of  Christ,  ordaining  elders  in 
every  Church,  and  with  prayer  and  fasting  recom- 
mending them  unto  the  Lord  in  whom  they  had  be- 
lieved, and  thus  organized  the  first  Churches  of  the 
Gentiles,  without  drilling  them  through  the  syna- 
gogue, or  subjecting  them  to  the  law  of  Moses. 

This  argument,  therefore,  my  brethren,  while  it 
con'oborates  our   "  doctrine  of  the    laying   on  of 


<    39    ) 

■•  hands/'  also  exhibits  the  mode  of  Presbyterian  or- 
dination. And  you  will  now  be  prepared  to  examine 
the  evidence  which  I  shall  lay  before  you. 

3.  That  ministers  are  ordained  to  office,  by  the 
imposition  of  the  hands  of  the  Presbytery — That 
Presbyterian  ordination  is  God's  call  to  the  mi- 
nistry. 

It  is  not  my  intention,  to  deny  the  propriety  of  per- 
mitting candidates  for  the  ministry  to  make  a  pub- 
lic trial  of  their  gifts,  to  deny  the  right  which  a 
Christian  congregation  has  to  elect  its  own  pastor^ 
or  to  deny  the  duty  of  constituting  a  fixed  relation 
between  a  minister  and  a  particular  charge.  No, 
by  no  means.  It  is  a  very  prudent  practice,  which 
admits  young  men  who  have  been  preparing  them- 
selves for  the  service  of  God  in  the  gospel  of  his 
son,  to  make  public  trial  of  their  talents  before  dif- 
ferent congregations,  as  well  as  before  ministers  and 
presbyteries.  The  students  of  the  law  were  admit- 
ted to  teach  publicly  in  the  Jewish  synagogues  betbre 
ordination.  It  was  upon  this  principle,  that  Paul 
had  every  where  easy  access  into  the  Jewish  syna- 
gogues, and  was  allowed  by  the  rulers  to  preach 
publicly  to  the  congregation.  This  is  not  a  dividing 
the  Christian  ministry.  No  part  of  it  is  committed 
to  probationers.  They  are  upon  trial,  and  when 
they  have  made  a  sufficient  public  trial  of  their  gifts, 


(     40     ) 

Ihey  ought  either  to  be  ordained  to  the  ministry^  or 
remanded  to  private  life. 

Every  Christian  congregation  has  a  right  to  choose 
its  ecclesiastical  officers.     Tliis  is  congenial  to  the 

o 

maxims  of  natural  equity,  and  to  the  spirit  of  the 
gospel.  It'  is  necessary  to  the  edification  and  the 
comfort  of  the  Church,  to  the  dignity  and  purity  of 
the  ministry.  It  was  the  practice  both  of  the  syna- 
gogue and  the  primitive  church.  Care  should  of  course 
be  always  taken  to  obtain  in  some  decent  and  order- 
ly manner  the  sense  of  a  congregation,  respecting 
candidates ;  their  voice,  in  fact,  should  be  heard,  in 
calling  to  the  ministry  among  them,  the  person  who 
is  appointed  thereunto.  And  yet  the  call  of  the 
congregation,  is  no  part  of  ordination.  It  commu- 
nicates no  power.  It  only  invites  to  the  exei'cise  of 
the  power,  otherwise  communicated,  in  a  certain  part 
of  the  church  of  God.  It  is  necessary  to  a  regular 
Episcopacy.  A  vague  ministry,  is  undoubtedly  in- 
decent aftd  improper.  Every  congregation  should 
have  its  pastor.  This  is  the  scriptural  bishop — the 
minister,  who  has  a  fixed  charge  of  which  he  has 
taken  the  oversight.  None  is  owned  by  God's  word 
as  a  bishop,  except  he  who  has  an  appropriate  charge. 
The  apostles  were  not  bishops,  although  they  were 
all  presbyters.  They  had  no  fixed  congi'egations,  al- 
though they"  were  ecclesiastical  rulers.  The  pastoral 
connexion,  the  episcopate,  ought  not  to  be  rashly 


(     41      ) 

violated.  It  is  constituted  by  the  Holy  Ghost*. 
But  while  I  admit  all  this,  my  brethren,  I  still  con- 
tend, that  presbyterian  ordination  alone,  constitutes 
the  ordinary  ministerial  call. 

(I.)  The  ministry  of  the  synagogue  was  uniformly 
constituted  in  this  manner.  A  number  of  those, 
who  were  themselves  ordained,  did  set  apart  others 
to  the  same  work,  and  confer  upon  them  equal  pow- 
er with  themselves  by  imposition  of  hands.  Upon 
this  model  the  churches,  consisting  of  Jewish  and 
proselyte  Gentile  converts,  were  organized  with  their 
respective  pastors. 

(2.)  In  the  12th  year  from  the  erection  of  the  Chris- 
tian church,  when  the  Gentiles  were  to  be  convert- 
ed, and  entirely  preserved  from  the  bondage  of  the 
Jewish  ceremonies,  lest  it  should  be  thought  that 
presbyterian  ordination  by  imposition  of  hands  was 
one  of  these  abolished  ceremonies,  there  was  a  very 
solemn  transaction  at  Antioch,  in  which  a  divinely 
appointed  model  of  it  was  exhibited  in  the  mission 
which  God  employed  in  creating  the  Gentile  church- 
es. And  that  there  should  be  no  kind  of  pretence 
hereafter  for  dispensing  with  this  practice,  as  of  syna- 
gogue origin,  the  Holy  Ghost  ordered  the  presbyte- 
xy  of  Antioch  not  to  dispense  with  it  in  that  mission 
which  laid  the  foundation  of  the  Christian   church 

*  Acts  20.  28. 
F 


(     42     ) 

among  the  Heathen  nations,  even  in  the  case  of  tliose 
who  had  for  years  before  exercised  their  ministry 
among  the  Jews.  Accordingly  Paul  and  Barnabas 
introduced  the  practice  on  that  very  mission  *,  and 
established  it  upon  a  basis  entirely  independent  of 
Jewish  tradition. 

(3.)  Three  years  after  this  mission  was  completed^ 
Timothy  received  presbyterian  ordination  in  one  of 
those  newly  constituted  Gentile  churches.     He  was 
ordained  by  Paul,  by  the  laying  on  of  the  hands  of 
the  presbytery '\. 

In  the  year  47,  Paul  preached  at  Derbe  for  the 
first  time,  and  on  his  second  visit,  which  took  place 
three  years  thereafter^  he  met  Timothy  in  that  place. 
This  youth  was  in  high  esteem  among  all  the  church- 
es of  Lycaonia.  In  the  course  of  this  journey,  and 
within  the  same  year,  we  find  him  assisting  in  the 
public  ministry  of  the  gospel  at  Thessalonica.  He 
must  therefore  have  been  ordained  before  they  de- 
parted from  Lystra.  Paul  was  now  on  his  journey, 
carrying  the  decree  passed  at  Jerusalem,  respecting 
the  law  of  Moses,  to  the  Gentile' churches.  None 
of  the  apostles  accompanied  him.  Even  Barnabas 
was  no  longer  his  fellow-labourer.  From  him  he  had 
parted  at  Antioch,  in  consequence  of  a  dispute  about 
John  Mark,  the  nephew  of  Barnabas.  The  presby- 
tery which  laid  hands  on  Timothy,  therefore,  was  ei- 
*  Acts  U.  2:3,  +    1  Tim.  4.  14.  &  2  Tim.  I.  6. 


(     43     ) 

ther  that  of  Lystra,  or  one  met  for  the  purpose,  and 
composed  of  Paul  and  Silas,  (and  perhaps  Titus,) 
who  accompanied  Paul  from  Jerusalem  on  this  jour- 
aey. 

(4.)  I  shall  quote  in  proof  of  presbyterian  ordi- 
nation, the  apostolic  commission,  as  illustrated  by 
apostolic  example.  This  commission  stands  upon 
record  in  ]\Iatt.  28.  19,  20.  Go  ye,  therefore,  and 
teach  all  nations,  baptising  them  in  the  name  of  the 
Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost ; 
teaching  them  to  observe  all  things,  whatsoever  I 
have  commanded  you  :  And,  lo,  I  am  with  you  al- 
way,  even  unto  the  end  of  the  world.     AMEN. 

In  these  words,  the  head  of  the  church  confers 
ministerial  power  upon  the  Apostles.  And  it  is  per- 
fectly evident,  1.  that  to  the  ministry  alone,  office- 
power  is  committed :  2.  that  this  power  is  transfer- 
able unto  the  end  of  the  world :  3.  that  equal  power  is 
committed  to  all  the  Apostles  :  and,  4.  that  this  power 
is  in  its  fullest  extent  transferable.  We  here,  there- 
fore, behold  a  ministry  constituted  by  the  head  of 
the  church,  complete  in  all  its  parts,  subsisting  in  per- 
fect equality,  and  possessing  the  right  of  transferring 
their  whole  power  into  the  hands  of  others,  unto  the 
e?id  of  the  world.  Every  ordained  minister  must 
accordingly  possess  complete  ministerial  authority. 
He  can  not  be  a  minister  without  possessing  the 
\yhole  power  delivered  into  the  hands  of  each  of  the- 


(     44     ) 

Apostles,  except  in  those  cases  in  which  Apostles 
acted  under  an  hnmediate  inspiration  of  God.  And 
inspiration,  whether  in  Apostles  or  others,  univer* 
sally,  entitles  to  the  exercise  of  authority  superior  to 
the  ordinary  ministry.  The  reason  is  obvious.  All 
are  bound  to  obey  God.  It  is  equally  obvious,  that 
if  any  individual  Apostle  had  the  pov/er  of  ordina- 
tion, every  other  Apostle  had  similar  power;  and 
every  ordained  minister  may  by  his  own  power  or- 
dain another  to  the  ministry.  This  reasoning  is,  I 
confess,  insufficient  to  establish  the  necessity  of  or- 
dination, being  performed  by  a  presbytery — by  a 
plurality  of  ordained  ministers  :  but  it  completely 
establishes  these  two  propositions  :  1 .  Ordination  is 
to  be  performed  by  ministers  only :  2.  All  ministers 
have,  in  ordinations,  equal  power.  It  leaves  no- 
thing relative  to  my  argument,  undetermined,  except 
this  question ;  Whether  is  ordination  to  be  performed 
by  one  minister,  or  by  several  ministers  united  ? 
And,  if  it  does  not  decisively  establish  Presbyterian- 
ism,  it  certainly  destroys  the  claims  of  Independen- 
cy and  the  Prelacy.  But  we  do  not  rest  here.  The 
practice  of  the  Apostles,  recorded  with  approbation 
in  the  canon  of  Scripture,  will  determine  whether  a 
Christian  minister  is  to  be  ordained  to  office  by  an 
individual  Presbyter  or  by  a  Presbytery.  And  if, 
upon  investigation,  it  should  appear  that  one  can  or- 
dain, nothing  can  justly  be  inferred  favourable  to  the 


{      43     ) 

Prelacy.  Nor  can  it  be  denied,  that  prudence  ancl 
decency  require  the  union  of  both  counsel  and  action 
in  admitting  a  candidate  to  the  lioly  ministry.  Minis- 
terial parity  would  still  remain  a  matter  of  divine 
right,  and  Presbyterian  ordination  would  be  ac- 
knowledged, a  prudential  measure,  in  perfect  con- 
formity to  God's  ordinance.  But  I  contend  for 
more  than  this.  I  assert  without  fear  of  contradic- 
tion, that  the  Scriptures  record  manif  instances  of 
Presbyterian  ordination,  and  no  instance  in  which  an 
individual  did  ordain.  In  the  Jewish  synagogue, 
ministers  were  uniformly  ordained  by  a  plurality  of 
ordained  officers.  Timothy  was  ordaineH  by  a  Pres- 
bytery. Paul  and  Barnabas,  not  separately,  but  joint- 
ly, ordained  Elders  in  all  the  churches  which  they 
had  planted.  And  there  is  not  a  passage  in  the 
whole  New  Testament  from  which  it  can  be  justly 
inferred  that  one  minister  ever  did  ordain  another. 
It  has  indeed  been  inferred  from  two  texts  of  Scrip- 
ture, that  an  individual  may  ordain ;  but  the  infer- 
ence is  false.  This  will  appear  upon  examination. 
1  Tim.  5.  22.  "  Lay  hands  suddenly  on  no  man.'' 
The  argument  of  our  opponents  from  this  text,  is  as 
follows :  It  is  a  specimen  of  their  mode  of  reason- 
ing. "  Timothy  is  directed  not  to  ordain  any  man 
*'  rashly,  therefore  he  must  have  had  the  poMcr  of 
•'  ordination  committed  to  him,  individually."  To 
<tate  this  argument,  is  a  sufficient  reply  to  it.     If  an 


(     46    ) 

elder  brother  hatli  recommended  it  to  me  to  be  cau- 
tious in  admitting  candidates  to  the  ministry,  am  I 
therefore  to  claim  prelatical  authority  r    Or  rather 
is  it  not  the  duty  of  every  minister,  as  much  as  it  was 
that  of  Timothy,  to  lay  hands  suddenly  on  no  man  ? 
The  other  text  referred  to,  is  Tit.  1.5.   "  For  this 
cause  left  I  thee  in  Ctrte,  that  thou  shouldest  set  in 
order  the  things  that  are  ivanting,  and  ordain  el- 
ders in  every  city  as  I  had  appointed  thee."     The 
argument  from  this  text  is  considered  by  the  friends 
of  the  hierarchy  as  conclusive  in  favour  of  their  sys- 
tem.    It  is  this :    "'  Titus  was  left  in  Crete  in  order 
''  to  supply  what  was  defective  in  its  ecclesiastical 
"  organization    by  ordaining    Presbyters,   he  must 
"  have  therefore  possessed  the  right  to  ordain  in  his 
"  individual  capacity."     Need  I  add,  my  brethren, 
that  the  premises  do  not  warrant  the  conclusion }   It 
is  indeed  certain,  that  Paul  left  Titus  in  Crete,  that 
he  might  ordain  ciders.     And  it  is  probable  that  Ti- 
tus did  ordain.      But  it  is  also  equally  probable, 
that  as  Paul  ordained  Timothy,  so  did  Titus  ordain 
ministers  in  Crete,  by  the  laying  on  of  the  hands  of 
the  Presbytery.     And  it  is   most  certain  that  no 
proof  to  the  contrary  can  be  produced.     The  com- 
mon language  of  the  church  is,  that  the  minister, 
appointed  by  the  Presbytery  to  be  their  organ  in  the 
ordaining  prayer,  does  ordain  the  candidate.     This 
phraseology  never  conveys  the  idea  that  he  was  alone 


(     47    ) 

in  the  sacred  work;  and  this  will  be  presently  ex- 
emplified in  your  sight,  when,  agree'ably  to  appoint- 
ment, I  shall  ordain  among  you  this  candidate,  by 
prayer,  and  the  laying  on  ©f  the  hands  of  the  Pres- 
bytery*. 


*  The  defenders  of  Prelacy  are  very  unfortunate  when  they 
refer  to  Scripture  for  proof.  They  are  much  more  at  home 
among  the  Fathers  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries.  This  text 
gives  a  blow  to  their  pretensions,  of  which  they  do  not  appear 
to  be  aware.  It  proves,  1.  that  the  organization  of  the  Church 
in  Crete  was  incomplete  when  Titus  was  left  there  ;  2.  that,  ia 
order  to  render  it  complete,  several  elders  must  be  ordained  ia 
every  city,  in  every  congregation.  Every  Church  in  the  apos- 
tolic age  had  several  elders.  This  was  essential  to  its  organi- 
zation. Acts  14.  23.  But  modem  Episcopalians  require  no 
more  than  one  Presbyter  to  each  Church.  And  yet  they  talk, 
(modestly  enough  to  be  sure,)  of  their  most  excellent  Church, 
of  its  Apostolic  origin  and  order,  f  I  hear  your  claims,  and  ob- 
serve your  zeal,  said  a  shrewd  Farmer  to  a  zealous  Episcopa- 
lian of  Utica,  but  where  is  your  religion  ?  We  had  little  of  that 
to  show,  added  the  respectable  Episcopalian,  who  told  me  the 
story. 

I  embrace  the  opportunity,  which  this  note  affords  me,  of 
recommending  to  all,  who  make  the  subject  of  the  Christian 
ministry  their  study,  the  excellent  Letters  of  Dr.  Miller,  and 
the  masterly  review  of  a  Collection  of  Essaysj  iJfc.  which  ap- 
pears in  the  Christian's  Magazine.  I  wish  both  these  works 
were  universally  known.  I  wish  also  that  Presbyterians  fully 
knew  the  strength  of  their  adversaries.  I  would  therefore  re- 
commend to  their  perusal,  Dr.  Hobart's  Apology,  and  a  work 
wbieh  I  have  read  since  thi^  discourse  was  sent  to  the  press,  they 


(     48     ) 

I  have  now  demonstrated,  that  a  lawful  call  to  the 
office,  is  one  of  the  distinguishing  marks  which  God 
hath  set  upon  the  ministry  which  he  approves;  and  I 
proceed  to  show  also, 

Secondly,  That  the  Pastor  according  to  God's 
heart,  has  a  life  corresponding  to  the  functions  of 
his  holy  office. 

There  is  a  striking  analogy  between  a  saint  and 
the  church.  Grace  is  not  complete  until  it  termi- 
nates in  glory  ;  and  the  church  militant  is  imperfect. 
Professions  are  frequently  hypocritical,  appearan- 
ces are  often  discovered  to  have  been  without  reality. 
"  Many  will  say  to  me  in  that  day.  Lord,  Lord, 
have  we  not  prophecied  in  thy  name  ? — And  then 
will  I  profess  unto  them,  I  never  knew  you  :  depart 
from  me,  ye  that  work  iniquity."  Ministers  may 
have  a  divine  call  to  the  office,  and  ^^et  afterwards 
give  themselves  up  to  the  service  of  Satan,  and  betray 
their  master.  Judas  was  an  Apostle.  There  must 
therefore  be  a  check  upon  Christian  confidence.     It. 

Letters  of  Dr.  Bowden.  When  the  judicious  and  pious  reader 
has  admired  the  animated  declamation  of  the  former,  and  the 
patient  researches  of  the  latter  writer,  he  will  conclude  that 
neither  of  the  Dr.'s  knew  much  about  the  system  of  grace,  or 
the  constitution  of  the  Christian  Church.  The  latter  work  con- 
tains a  summary  of  Episcopal  arguments.  These  arguments, 
however,  when  opposed  to  the  shield  of  faith,  are  feeble  as  the 
dart  of  Priam.  Such  weapons  are  not  so  t&rrible  to  Presbyte- 
lians)  as  was  the  sceptre  of  Elizabeth. 


(     49     ) 

is  not  sufficient  that  the  Pastor  has  been  regularly 
called,  he  must  also  adhere  to  his  instructions.  He 
that  is  near  the  heart  of  God,  ^^^td,  has  not  only  re- 
ceived a  regular  ordination,  but  also  continues  to 
perform  faithfully  the  duties  of  the  pastoral  office. 
Ministers  are  to  be  honourably  received,  and  dili- 
gently watched.  While  they  continue  to  live  a  life 
corresponding  to  their  ministry,  let  them  be  esteem- 
ed as  the  servants  of  God,  as  the  ambassadors  of 
Christ.  But  when  they  shall  have  forsaken  God,  let 
them  be  rejected  by  the  church.  You  will  bear,  my 
brethren,  with  our  personal  infirmities  ;  you  will 
sympathize  in  our  calamities  ;  you  will  pity  our  in- 
tellectual weakness  ;  you  will  mourn  for  our  unsuc- 
cessfulness ;  and  if  we  should  never  acquire  great 
popularity,  we  are  not,  merely  on  that  account,  to 
be  rejected  of  the  church.  Not  great  attainments 
in  eloquence,  not  courtly  manners,  not  a  talent  of 
pleasing  the  high  or  the  low,  not  popularity,  nor 
even  the  degrees  of  success  with  which  a  ministry  is 
accompanied,  can  determine  whether  a  Pastor  be 
far  oflf,  or  near  the  heart  of  God.  He  is  a  Pastor 
approved  of  God,  who  is  pious,  diligent,  and  faith- 
ful 

(1.)  A  ministry  evidently  impious,  will  meet  with 
few  advocates.  This  evil  can  be  tolerated  only  in  a 
church  which  has  far  departed  from  truth  and  holi- 
ness.    It  is  not  indeed   necessary  tha^t  we  should 

G 


(     ^0     ) 

have  infallible  evidence  that  a  man  is  regenemted, 
in  order  to  recognise  him  as  a  minister  of  Christ, 
Such  evidence  is  impossible  without  a  revelation 
from  heaven.  But  before  he  is  invested  with  this 
holy  office,  the  candidate  must  be  required  to  exhibit 
all  the  satisfactory  evidence  of  which  the  case  ad- 
mits. He  must  manifest  his  faith  bi/  his  zvoi^hs.  It 
is  of  no  importance  that  he  say  he  has  faith — that  he 
tell  us  of  his  conversion.  We  look  for  the  fruits  of 
that  faith.  These  we  examine,  and  of  them  we 
judge.  A  Christian  minister,  destitute  of  piety,  is  in 
a  deplorable  condition.  He  makes  it  the  business  of 
his  life,  to  serve  a  master  whom  he  hates,  to  explain 
a  law  at  which  his  heart  is  in  enmity,  and  to  illustrate 
promises  which  his  own  soul  rejects.  He  preaches  a 
salvation  of  which  he  does  not  approve,  and  recom- 
mends a  heaven  which  he  never  seeks.  He  describes 
terrors  which  are  thickening  around  him,  and  he 
teaches  others  to  escape  a  hell  into  w  hich  he  is  him- 
self hastily  travelling.  But  the  Pastor  according  to 
God's  heart,  my  brethren,  is  a  man  of  piety.  He 
loves  the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel.  These  have 
been  to  his  soul,  green  pastures  and  refreshing 
streams.  To  be  united  to  Christ,  as  a  member  of 
his  body,  to  be  taught  by  the  spirit  of  adoption,  is  a 
source  both  of  confidence  and  joy.  Filled  with  hu- 
mility, he  admires  in  transports  of  delight  the  so- 
vereignty  of  God.      Grace  appears   to  him  pure. 


(     51     ) 

Jand  calm,  and  great,  and  wonderful.  The  pious 
minister  is  constrained  by  the  love  of  a  crucified 
Saviour,  and  he  loves  the  Father  with  his  whole 
strength  and  mind.  God  appears  to  him  in  the  com- 
munications of  his  Holy  Spirit,  as  an  infinite  foun- 
tain of  divine  majesty  and  sweetness,  pouring  out  his 
all -sufficiency,  and  like  the  sun  in  its  glory,  plea- 
santly diffusing  both  light  and  life.  This  encourages 
him, 

(2.)  To  diligence  in  his  sacred  office.  He  feels 
the  value  of  the  soul.  He  knows  it  to  be  immortal. 
He  perceives  the  danger  of  sinners  ;  and  anxious  for 
their  salvation,  he  warns  them  of  it  frequently  and 
fervently.  Giving  himself  wholly  up  to  the  duties 
of  his  ministry,  he  renders  subservient  to  it,  his 
plans  and  his  actions,  his  studies  and  his  medita- 
tions. In  the  closet,  upon  his  knees,  he  offers  his 
flock  to  the  Chief  Shepherd ;  and,  from  the  pulpit, 
he  invites  that  flock  to  his  master's  fold.  From  house 
to  house,  he  visits,  he  examines,  he  exhorts.  In  af- 
flictions, he  soothes  ;  in  temptation,  he  admonishes  ; 
in  sickness,  he  comforts ;  and  in  death,  he  resigns 
their  departing  spirits  into  tlie  hands  of  that  God 
who  created  both  him  and  them. 

(3.)  The  Pastor,  who  is  near  the  heart  of  God,  is 
faithful  to  God  and  to  his  church.  Without  cor- 
rupting the  word  of  truth,  or  handling  that  word  de- 
ceitfully, he  preaches  Christ  crucified,  as  the  sum 
and  the  substance  of  true  religion.     He  deals  plain- 


(     52     ) 

ly  with  sinners,  uninfluenced  by  their  frowns  or  their 
smiles.  He  unfolds  their  guilt,  their  depravity,  their 
obduracy  of  heart;  and  he  summons  them  to  repent- 
ance. He  explains  the  sovereign  love  of  God,  and 
the  atonement  made  by  the  Saviour;  and  he  demands 
obedience  to  the  great  commandment,  "  believe  in 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ."  He  insists  upon  the  neces- 
sity of  conversion,  and  of  holiness ;  and  explicitly 
and  repeatedly  declares,  that  unless  a  man  be  born 
again,  he  cannot  enter  the  kingdom  of  God.  He 
inculcates,  upon  every  one,  attention  to  all  God's  or- 
dinances ;  he  shows  them  how  they  are  to  behave 
themselves  in  the  house  of  God,  which  is  the  church. 
In  a  word,  he  faithfully  teaches  them  to  observe  all 
things  whatsoever  God  hath  commanded. 

III.  The  sum  of  pastoral  duty  is  the  edification  of 
the  church. 

This,  you  will  recollect,  is  according  to  my  ar- 
rangement, the  third  and  last  general  division  of  the 
discourse.  In  the  text,  that  minister,  which  God 
approves,  and  in  mercy  bestows  upon  a  congregation 
of  Christians,  is  represented  as  one  "  which  shall 
feed  with  knoxvledge  and  understanding T  The  edi- 
fication of  the  Christian  church  is,  in  fact,  the  object 
of  all  gospel-ordinances.  And  to  the  attainment  of  this 
object,  discipline  as  well  as  doctrine,  is  subordinate. 
The  original  words  are  more  comprehensive  and  ex- 
pressive, than  the  words  *'  feed  with  knowledge." 


(     53     ) 

■nj;')  ij^ni  uy\7  is  translated  in  the  Septuagint,  n«(/x!v«; 
■TTOLfxavuTiv  TTOiiJLOi.mvTi';,  Shepherds  ivho  shall  pasture  you,- 
performing  the  duties  of  a  shepherd^  with  know- 
ledge. This  embraces,  the  whole  business  of  a  shep- 
herd about  his  flock,  the  whole  care  which  he  takes 
for  their  preservation  and  increase.  And  the  faith- 
ful shepherd  must,  of  necessity,  provide  pastures  for 
his  flock  ;  inspect,  from  time  to  time,  their  state ;  de- 
signate his  own  sheep  from  other  herds ;  and  exer- 
cise over  them  that  power  which  is  necessary  for 
their  welfare.  The  edification  of  the  church  cannot 
be  promoted,  wiiii  intelligence,  by  the  pastor,  unless 
he  teach,  inspect,  seal,  and  rule,  the  several  persons 
who  are  committed  to  his  charge,  that  he  may  watch 
for  their  souls  as  one  who  must  give  an  account. 
The  duties  of  the  gospel  ministry,  are,  therefore,  to 
preach  the  gospel — to  examine  the  state  of  the  con- 

cresation — to  administer  the  sacraments — and  to  ex- 
es   o 

ercise  ecclesiastical  power  for  the  preservation  of 
order  in  the  church. 

1.  The  Pastor  according  to  God's  heart,  preach- 
es to  his  congregation  the  gospel  of  Christ.  This  is 
the  food  which  he  diligently  provides  for  unmortal 
souls.  This  gospel  is  the  power  of  God  unto  salva- 
tion. Christ  crucified  is  the  substance  of  it.  And 
this  subject  is  far  from  being  contracted.  No,  my 
brethren,  it  embraces  whatsoever  is  useful  for  the 
perfection  of  the  man  of  God.  Preaching  the  gos- 
pel is  an  ofiicial  exhibition  of  the  system  of  grace  in 


(     o4.     ) 

all  its  parts,  accompanied  with  a  direct  offer  of  all 
its  blessings  to  all  sinners,  and  with  fervent  admo- 
nitions to  receive  and  improve  the  offer,  and  the 
gift.  God  is  exhibited  to  view  in  all  his  attri- 
butes. Man  is  described,  as  a  creature,  depend- 
ent upon  God,  rational  and  accountable,  bound  to 
knovv',  love,  and  serve  God  perfectly,  and  labour- 
ing under  the  guilt  and  the  pollution  of  sin,  original 
and  actual.  The  Redeemer  is  revealed  in  his  per- 
son and  offices,  as  he  really  is,  God  manifested  in 
the  flesh,  our  prophet,  our  priest,  and  our  governor, 
the  only  mediator  between  God  and  man,  and  our 
only  Saviour.  Salvation,  through  him,  is  offered,  to 
every  one,  without  terms,  and  without  conditions. 
And  the  pre-requisites  to  the  enjoyment  of  happiness 
in  heaven,  are  explained,  and  required  of  all :  Faith 
in  Jesus  Christ,  repentance  unto  life,  love  to  God, 
and  holiness  in  heart,  speech,  and  behaviour.  Union 
with  Christ  by  faith  is  manifested  as  the  only  ground 
of  pardon  and  acceptance,  the  only  source  of  grace 
and  holiness,  the  only  foundation  of  morality,  and 
the  only  fountain  of  perfection,  and  felicity,  and 
glory.  The  spirit  of  God  is  exhibited  in  his  divinity, 
and  excellency,  and  efficacy — the  author  of  all  mo- 
tion, all  beauty,  and  all  glory.  lie  is  revealed  as  the 
Sanctifier  and  the  Comforter.  The  doctrine  of  con- 
version is  explained,  and  the  necessity  of  conversion 
is  urged  upon  every  conscience.  The  Holy  Scrip- 
tures are  explained,  and  the  truths  of  inspiration  are 


(      5<5     ) 

illustrated  and  applied.  The  history,  the  prophecy,  the 
precept,  the  doctrine,  the  promises,  and  the  ordinan- 
ces, yea,  all  the  parts  of  the  counsel  of  God,  are 
displayed  without  fear  and  without  partiality,  by  the 
faithful  pastor.     The  order  of  God's  providence  is 
marked  and  proclaimed.     The  events  which  fulfil 
predictions,  and  the  duties  which,  from  the  signs  of 
the  times,  devolve  upon  Christians,  are  duly  exhi- 
bited.    The  perversions  of  science,  (falsely  so  call- 
ed,) and  the  misrepresentations  of  Scripture,  dan- 
gerous to  the  sentiments   and  morals  of  men,  are 
detected  and  refuted.     The  order  of  the  church  of 
Christ  is  vindicated ;  and  the  history,  pf  God's  judg- 
ments upon  the  nations,  is  unfolded.  ]\Ien  are  taught 
to  introduce  the  principles  of  Christianity  into  full 
operation,  in  all  the  various  relations  of  life,   and 
Jesus,  the  Saviour,  is  proclaimed  as  Head  over  all 
things,  the  governor,  and  the  judge  of  the  universe. 
Such  a  subject,  my  brethren,  as  this  gospel  which 
we  preach,  so  interesting,  so  various,   so   copious, 
and  so  magnificent,  most  assuredly  requires  the  de- 
votion to  its  service   of  talents  and  erudition.     la 
order  to  qualify  a  man  to  preach  this  gospel,  it  is 
necessary  that  he  have  good  sense,  extensive  infor- 
mation, and  much  experience.  He  must  be  a  man  of 
reading,  of  study,  of  piety,  and  of  prayer,  in  order 
to  become  a  workman  who  needeth  not  to  be  asham- 
ed.    Such  a  subject  as  this  also  requires  that  it  be 
discussed  plainly,  solemnly,  and  fervently.     Nor  is 


(     56    ) 

it  altogether  unimportant  to  the  edification  of  the 
church,  whether  the  gosi)el  be  preached  by  the 
pastor  to  his  congregation,  by  readin<£  in  their 
hearing,  or  by  wliat  is  generally  termed  extem- 
pore speaking.  To  this  question  I  have  paid  some 
attention.  And,  from  the  observations  which  I 
have  been  enabled  to  make,  I  conclude,  that  it  is 
more  agreeable  to  the  mind  of  God,  in  the  institu- 
tion of  the  gospel  ministry,  that  the  pastor  should 
speak  to  his  hearers,  from  the  fulness  of  his  under- 
standing and  his  heart,  upon  a  subject  which  he  has 
thoroughly  studied  and  digested,  than  that  he  should 
confine  himself,  entirely  to  the  i^ecitatioji  oi  words 
which  he  has  committed  to  memory,  or  to  the  read- 
ing of  a  manuscript  which  he  holds  before  him.  The 
voice  of  nature,  the  voice  of  scripture,  and  the  voice 
of  e.vperience,  are  certainly-,  in  favour  of  extempore 
sermonising,  1 .  This  is  the  order  of  nature.  Speech 
is  the  natural  mode  of  communicating  our  thoughts 
to  others.  Writing  is  an  artificial  substitute  for 
speech ;  and  by  its  means  we  converse  with  those 
to  whom  the  voice  cannot  reach.  But  when  we  ad- 
dress those  who  are  present,  it  is  more  natural 
that  we  speak  what  we  know,  than  that  we  either 
repeat  what  we  have  committed  to  memory,  or  read 
what  we  have  written.  2.  All  scriptural  example 
is  upon  the  side  of  extempore  preaching.  Thus, 
the  ministers  of  the  synagogues  taught  and  exhorted. 
Thus,   all  the  apostles   and   evangelists  practised. 


(    57    ) 

Thus  did  also  our  blessed  Saviour.  Having  read 
his  text,  he  "  closed  the  book,''  and  gave  the  mean- 
ing. "  Aiid  he  began  to  sen/  unto  them,''  &c.  Luke 
4.  210,  21.  And,  3.  Experience  also  recommends 
this  example  to  our  imitation.  The  most  successful 
ministers,  in  the  best  days  of  the  churcli,  thus  preach- 
ed the  gospel.  The  early  reformers,  in  this  as  well 
as  in  other  particulars,  imitated  the  example  of  the 
primitive  pastors  ;  and  the  most  eminently  success- 
ful ministers  in  every  age,  did  likewise.  If  at  any 
time,  signal  awakenings  have  commenced  under  the 
ministry  of  one  who  habitually  read  sermons,  it  was 
found  necessary  to  employ  preaching  extemporane- 
ously, in  cultivating  the  field  and  in  gathering  the 
harvest. 

There  are  also  many  strong  objections  against  the 
opposite  method.  It  restrains  the  inventive  faculty 
of  the  preacher  ;  it  diminishes  his  dependence  upon 
God's  spirit,  while  actually  engaged  in  his  ministry ; 
and  it  prevents  those  intellectual  exertions,  which, 
excited  by  the  occasion,  give  birth  to  the  most  natural 
and  forcible  remarks.  It  is  also  calculated  to  impede 
the  discharge  of  other  duties.  The  Pastor  of  a  con- 
gregation, who,  during  an  ordinary  life,  serves  one 
church,  must  neglect  parochial  duties,  if  he  is  under 
the  necessity  of  writing  two  sermons  every  week. 
This  labour  must  likewise  prevent  study.  In  short, 
the  habit  of  reading  or  recitation  has  gone  far  toward 
banishing  discipline,  and  toward  filling  the  church 

H 


(     58     ) 

with  a  superiicial  ministry.  It  has  had  another  in- 
jurious effect.  For  as  action  and  re-action  are  equal 
and  contrary  in  the  moral,  as  well  as  in  tlie  physical 
world,  it  has  driven  the  great  body  of  the  people 
away  from  the  churches  of  the  regularly  educated 
ministry,  to  follow  declaimers,  who  have  nothing  to 
recommend  them  but  their  natural  and  extempora- 
neous eloquence.  Nor  is  this  all.  Those  who  can- 
not preach  except  by  reading,  have  sometimes  been 
placed  in  a  very  disagreeable  predicament.  If  they 
are  called  upon,  in  providence,  to  preach,  and  have 
not  a  sermon  in  their  pocket  suitable  to  the  occasion, 
they  become  justly  liable  to  the  terrible  charge,  Isa. 
56.  10.  "  Dumb  dogs  ;  they  cannot  barky  Indeed, 
if  the  practice  of  reading  were  universally  adopted 
in  the  public  worship  of  the  Lord's  day,  it  would  go 
far  toward  the  total  overthrow  of  the  ordinance  of 
the  Christian  ministry.  As  any  one  may  write,  so 
any  one  may  read,  and  then  there  is  no  necessity  for 
an  ordained  ministry  to  preach  the  gospel. 

The  apologies  offered  for  this  innovation  have  al- 
ways appeared  to  me  unsatisfactory.  "  There  are 
"  some  ministers  who  cannot  correctly  explain  reli- 
"  gion,  unless  they  confine  themselves  to  discourses 
"  previously  written."  I  trust,  my  brethren,  this 
apology  will  never  be  made  for  your  pastor.  I  be- 
lieve the  principle  of  it  is  incorrect ;  and  I  venture 
to  say,  that  every  man  who  can  write  Avell,  and  can 
read  well,  would  have  spoken  well,  had  he  cultivated 


(     59     ) 

attentively  the  talent  of  speech.  What !  shall  there 
be  found  men  of  talents  for  every  other  department 
that  requires  eloquence,  except  for  the  ministry  of 
Christ's  sospel  ?  In  the  senate,  and  at  the  bar,  men 
of  information  and  of  taste  have  listened  with  interest 
to  extempore  eloquence.  But  it  has  been  said, 
"  There  are  some  congregations  m  hich  feel  so  little 
"  interest  in  the  great  doctrines  of  religion,  as  to 
"  have  no  relish  for  discussions  which  are  not  re- 
"  commended  by  correctness  of  composition:"  a 
compliment  which  I  hope  shall  never  be  paid  by  its 
pastor  to  this  congregation.  I  shall  now  dismiss  this 
subject,  after  I  shall  have  observed,  that  men  of  su- 
perior talents  and  acquisitions  will  certainly  com- 
mand respect,  whatever  be  the  mode  in  which  they 
address  their  hearers ;  but  these  valuable  endow- 
ments might  be  employed  much  more  successfully  in 
the  service  of  the  church,  by  cultivating  an  extem- 
pore elocution,  than  by  reading  sermons.  Let  the 
Ambassador  Jor  Christ,  be  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  his  Bible  ;  let  him  enrich  his  mind  with  various' 
Icnowledge ;  let  him  correct  his  thoughts  by  frequent 
composition ;  let  him  accurately  digest  the  subject 
about  which  he  is  to  speak,  and  let  him  enter  the 
pulpit  and  address  his  congregation  in  total  depend- 
ence upon  his  God ;  let  him  pour  out  his  heart,  not 
mth  enticing  words  of  mans  wisdonij  but  in  demon- 
stration of  the  spirit  ajid  of  power,  and  his  gain  in 
spiritual  effect  will  far  counterbalance  his  loss  in  ele- 
gance of  expression. 


(     60    ) 

C,  The  pastor  of  whom  God  approves,  is  in  duty 
bound,  from  time  to  time,  to  examine  the  reUiiious 
state  of  his  congregation. 

This  is  the  work  of  the  Christian  bishop.  The 
duty  of  inspection,  is  in  Scripture  combined  with 
that  of  feeding.  And  every  pastor  is,  of  course,  a 
Bishop.  ]  Pet.  5.  2.  "  Feed  the  flock  of  God,  tak- 
ing the  oversight  thereof*."  Acts  20.  28.  "  The  Ho- 
ly Ghost  hath  made  you  overseers |,  to  feed  the 
church  of  God.'  It  is  evidently,  therefore,  both  the 
duty  and  the  right  of  every  minister  to  exercise  in  his 
pastoral  charge  that  power  of  inspection,  on  account 
of  which  the  name  Bishop  is  bestowed  upon  him. 

The  abuse  which  the  prelacy  has  made  of  the 
word  Bishop,  has  not  only  cherished  its  Anti-chris- 
tian  usurpation,  but  has  also  greatly  contributed  to 
banish  from  the  church  that  religious  inspection  of 
congregations,  which  is  necessary  to  their  edification. 
That  convenient  interpretation  which  separates  in- 
spection from  teaching,  places  the  people  beyond 
the  reach  of  ecclesiastical  rule,  and  soothes  the  in- 
dolent pastor  in  his  total  neglect  of  parochial  duty. 
\^ou  will  recollect,  however,  my  brethren,  that  the 
pastor  which  God  hath  promised  to  give  to  his  peo- 
ple, is  one  according  to  his  own  heart.  He  shall 
feed  the  flock  of  God,  inspecting  their  religious 
state.     He  inquires,  from  time  to  time,  into  theiy 

*  EffMDcewravTEf,  exercising  the  power  of  a  Bishop. 
t  Eff*<7xo9rafj  Bishops. 


(  ^1  ) 

progress  in  Christian  knowledge.  He  Examines,  in 
the  light  of  truth,  the  correctness  of  their  views, 
their  sentiments,  and  their  experience.  He  takes 
account  of  their  conduct  in  relation  to  all  the  prac- 
tical duties  of  Christianity.  He  takes  care  to  ac- 
quaint himself  with  the  facts,  which,  more  than  any 
declarations,  evidence  their  religious  character.  Per- 
sonal interviews,  family  visitations,  and  public  ex- 
aminations, are  employed  with  all  possible  frequea- 
cy,  for  the  edification  of  the  church.  And  thus 
shall  the  pastor  be  enabled  to  divide  rightly  the  word 
of  truth,  to  give  them  meat  in  due  season. 

3.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  Christian  pastor  to  admi- 
nister the  sacraments  of  the  New-Testament,  to  the 
members  of  his  church. 

Sacraments  are  instituted  by  Christ,  for  the  con- 
firmation of  our  faith ;  and  they  manifest  our  sepa- 
ration from  the  world.  These  sacraments  are  Bap- 
tism and  the  Lord's  Supper.  They  are  seals  as 
well  as  signs  of  divine  grace  to  the  heirs  of  salva- 
tion. But  the  administration  of  them  is  commit- 
ted unto  the  hands  of  fallible  men,  who  cannot  judge 
the  heart,  or  determine  the  state  of  any  man.  The 
rule  of  adujinistration,  therefore,  is  not  our  opinions 
of  a  man's  state,  but  our  knotokdge  of  facts  respect- 
ing the  applicant.  He  is  considered  as  in  covenant 
with  the  church,  who  receives  the  seal,  as  the  proper- 
ty of  the  church ;  who  receives  its  mark,  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  church ;  who  receives  its  peculiar  badge* 


(     62     ) 

of  distinction  ;  he,  in  fact,  is  necessarily  considered 
as  already  enlisted  in  the  cause,  to  whom  the  oath, 
the  sacrament,  is  administered.  The  facts  to  be  as- 
certained, in  order  to  administer  the  sacraments 
aright,  are  therefore  two.  1st.  Is  the  applicant 
Avithin  the  covenant  which  exists  between  the  visible 
church  and  God?  2.  Considering  the  special  cha- 
racter of  the  sacrament  to  be  administered,  is  there 
no  unfitness  in  the  visible  state  of  the  applicant  to 
tke  reception  of  the  ordinance  ? 

Children  cast  by  providence  within  the  bosom  of 
tlie  church,  are,  according  to  the  dispensation  of 
gi'ace,  within  the  covenant;  they  are  church-mem- 
bers. It  is  the  birthright  of  every  one  who  is  born 
of  believing  parents,  or  of  whose  parents  one  is  a 
believer,  to  be  a  church-member.  Every  bud  up- 
on the  branch  belon2;s  to  the  sood  olive-tree,  as  well 
as  the  branch  itself.  Such  children  are  to  be  baptiz- 
e<l :  because  there  is  nothins;  in  the  nature  of  the  or- 
dinance  unsuitable  to  infants.  It  seals  and  recog- 
nizes their  visible  covenant  connexion,  and  it  may 
seal  their  engrafting  unto  Christ.  Children  are  in- 
admissible to  the  Lord's  Supper  ;  because  in  their 
admission,  the  special  object  of  the  ordinance  could 
not  be  answered.  They  are  incapable  of  that  in- 
tellectual entertainment  which  commemorates  the 
death  of  Christ. 

Baptism  has  very  improperly  been  called  Christen- 
ing :  and  this  name  cherishes  the  superstition  which 


(    63    ) 

crave  it  birth.  It  is  maintained  by  many  that  Bap- 
tism makes  the  subject  botli  a  church  member  and 
a  Christian — that  it  regenerates.  The  Pastor  accord- 
ing to  God's  heart,  will  not,  however,  my  brethren, 
err  so  egregiously  in  this  matter.  It  shall  be  his 
care  and  his  delight,  as  it  is  his  duty,  to  administer 
the  seals  of  the  covenant  according  to  the  divine  di- 
rection. The  adult  who  makes  an  intelligent  pro- 
fession of  the  gospel,  whose  conversation  is  exem- 
plary, and  joins  the  church  in  covenant  with  God,  is 
admitted  to  baptism,  is  admitted  to  present  his  off- 
spring in  baptism,  and  is  admitted  to  the  Lord's  ta- 
ble also.  Anxious  to  present  his  flock  perfect  in 
Christ  Jesus,  the  pastor  warns  them  to  conform  to 
the  primitive  example  which  he  himself  adopts  as 
the  model  of  a  regular  church,  enjoying  its  sacra- 
ments and  its  doctrines.  Acts  2.  41,  42.  TJiey 
that  gladly  received  his  word  were  baptized  :  And 
they  continued  steadfastly  in  the  Apostles  doctrine 
and  fellowship,  and  in  breaking  of  bread,  and 
in  prayers. 

4.  It  is  the  duty  of  a  Christian  minister  to  exer- 
cise authority  over  his  flock.  This  is  necessary  to 
their  edification,  and  it  is  included  in  the  exercise  of 
the  duties  of  a  pastor.  It  is  implied  m  feeding  with 
knowledge.  The  Greek  verb  which  we  generally 
translate  feed,  and  which  comprehends  the  sum  of 
pastoral  duty,  signifies  to  rule  as  well  as  to  teach, 
and  is  frequently  so  translated  in  the  New  Testa- 


(  6^4  ) 

nient  *.  The  power  of  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  is  in  the  hands  of  every  Christian  minister. 
It  has  been  committed  to  him  by  the  Head  of  the 
chmxh.  The  use  of  the  key  of  rmle,  as  well  as 
that  of  knowledge,  belongs  to  him.  And  in  the  exer- 
cise of  spiritual  power  for  the  edification  of  the 
church,  he  must  maintain  order,  examine  scandals, 
call  the  disorderly  to  account,  admonish  and  rebuke 
with  all  authority. 

I  have  now  done  with  the  doctrinal  discussion  of 
this  text.  I  have  endeavoured  to  give  you  satisfac- 
tory evidence,  that  the  Ministry  of  the  Gospel  is  a  per- 
manent institution  of  Christ,  secured  to  his  church  by 
his  faithful  covenant.  I  have  given  you  a  general  view 
of  the  constitution,  the  character,  and  duties  of  that 
ministry,  and  I  shall  shortly  proceed,  according  to  ap- 
pointment, to  set  apart  by  prayer  and  the  laying  on 
of  the  hands  of  this  Presbytery,  the  candidate  whom 
you  have  chosen  to  the  ministry  of  this  church.  Un- 
til that  work  is  accomplished,  I  shall  postpone  the 
application  of  my  discourse.  And  may  the  Father 
of  our  spirits,  from  whom  proceedeth  every  good  and 
perfect  gift,  realize  to  you,  in  the  pastor  which  you 
are  about  to  receive,  the  promise  of  my  text — And 
I  will  give  you  Pastors  according  to  mine  hearty 
which  shall  feed  you  with  knowledge  and  under- 
standing.    AMEN. 

*  nojjLiaiw,  Mat.  2,  6.  Rev.  3.  27.  and  19.  15.     Homer  fre- 
quently styles  his  kings,  not/*£V£f. 


(     65     ) 

After  Prayer  and  singing  a  Psalm,  The  Formula  of  Questionsy 
&c.  was  read,  and  the  Candidate,  having  given  to  each  ques- 
tion a  satisfactory  reply,  was  ordained  by  prayer  und  the 
"  laying  on  of  hands,"  to  the  ministry  of  reconciliation,  and 
settled  to  the  pastoral  office  of  the  Congregation.  The  ap- 
plication of  the  Discourse  immediately  followed  in  the 
Charge,  1.  to  the  Minister,  and  2.  to  the  Congregation. 

CHARGE  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

You  stand  now,  my  brother,  before  this  congrega- 
tion, in  a  relation  in  which  you  never  stood  before. 
You  are  their  Pastor.  You  stand  before  the  minis- 
try of  the  church  in  a  new  relation.  You  are  invest- 
ed with  authority  as  an  ambassador  of  Jesus  Christ. 
You  stand  before  that  God  who  is  the  witness  of  the 
solemnities  of  to-day,  in  a  new  relation.  The  Holy 
Ghost  hath  made  you  an  OVERSEER.  You  oc- 
cupy a  post  of  honour,  and  a  post  of  danger.  You 
stand  in  a  needy  station.  Permit  me,  to  warn  you 
of  its  difficulties  ;  to  admonish  you  of  its  duties  ;  and 
to  assure  you  in  the  discharge  of  these  duties,  of  an 
all-sufficient  help. 

In  doing  this,  I  claim,  over  you,  no  prelatical  au- 
thority. In  office,  and  in  power  in  the  church  of 
Christ,  you  are  equal  to  any  man  upon  earth.  The 
Apostolical  commission  has  been  transmitted  to  you 
unimpaired.  You  are  an  ordained  Minister.  I 
claim  over  you  no  other  power  than  vvhat  the  actual 
preacher  has  a  right  to  exercise  over  every  hearer — ■ 
the  power  of  divine  truth    over  the    conscience*. 

*  Such  was  the  pov/er  which  the  Prophets  and  Apostles  pos- 

I 


(     66    ) 

Wlien  wc  pervert  that  truth,  our  words  are  without 
authority,  and  resistance  becomes  virtue. 

sessed  and  exercised.  In  them  it  was  extraordinary.  They 
were  not  limited  to  expositions  and  applications  of  the  written 
revelation.  They  were  inspired  to  make  new  revelations.  And 
Avho  can  lawfully  resist  inspiration  ?  The  gift  of  inspiration 
clothed  the  Apostles  with  an  extraordinary  character.  This, 
and  not  any  Episcopal  or  Archi-episcopal  power,  gave  them  au- 
thority over  all  the  churches.  At  present,  the  scriptures  of  the 
New  Testament,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Old,  possess  authority 
over  all  the  churches.  The  same  authority  did  the  Apostles 
possess  in  their  day.  They  were  iriraculously  qualiRed  to  guide 
the  faith  and  the  worship  of  Christians.  These  divint  gijin  are 
distinct  from  the  commisaion  which  constituted  them  mirusters. 
The  commission  is  perpetually  transmissible  ;  but  the  extraor* 
dinary  gifts,  and  the  powers  connected  with  them,  have  termi- 
nated. Indeed,  while  they  continued,  they  were  exercised  only 
on  extraordinary  occasions.  In  common  cases»  the  Apostles 
acted  as  mere  Presbyters.  Acts  13.  1 — 3.  and  14,  23— 2f.and 
15th  chapter  throughout.  Never,  but  when  acting  by  inspira- 
tion, did  the  Apostles  assume  any  power  over  the  ordinary 
ministry.  Never,  otherwise,  did  they  claim  superiority  over 
Presbyters.  Paul  exercised  the  right  of  directing  Tiraothyj 
and  prescribing  for  Titus,  for  He  spake  as  he  ivas  tnoved  by  the 
Holy  Ghost  ;  and  that  was  a  warrant  for  the  actions  of  these  two 
Evangelists.  Paul  is  long  since  dead,  but  the  authority  which 
he  exercised  over  these  ministers,  remains,  undiminished  ;  not 
in  the  hands  of  an  ambitious  Prelate,  but  in  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures. The  epistles  are,  to-day,  as  binding  upon  us  as  they 
were  on  Timothy  and  Titus.  The  Apostles  themselves,  in 
the  very  exercise  of  their  superior  power,  and  with  their  inspir- 
ed lips,  teach  the  docU'ine  of  Presbyterian  parity.  I  Pet.  5.  1. 
<'  The  Presbyters  which  are  among  yovi,  I  exhort,  who  am  also 
a  Prcsbi/ter."  2.  "  Feed  the  flock  of  God,  taking  the  oversight 
thereof" — as  Bishofis^  E7rKrxoTi.vT£i.  3.  '<  Neither  as  being  lords 
over  God's  heritage  " — Not  as  masters  of  the  clergy,  kxtoixv^ivov 
TE?  Twy  kXv^v.  5.  "  Yea,  all  of  y.ii  be  subject  one  to  another,  and 
y>e  clothed  with  luirailitv."     There  are  not,  in  fact,  tAvo  crea- 


(    67    ) 

We  have,  to-day,  my  clear  brother,  presented  you 
to  tiiis  church,  as  the  gitt  of  God,  for  tlieir  edifica- 
tion. We  hope  you  are  the  fulfilment  of  the  pro- 
mise of  our  Saviour  to  this  people,  /  xvill  give  you 
Pastors  according  to  mine  heart,  which  shall  feed 
you  with  knowledge  and  understanding.  In  this 
hope,  I  repeat  to  you  the  words  of  the  Apostle  Pe- 
ter, "  Feed  the  flock  of  God,  taking  the  oversight 
thereof,  not  by  constraint,  but  willingly  :  not  for 
filthy  lucre,  but  of  a  ready  mind."  You  have  indeed 
to  encounter  difficulties  in  your  pastoral  office,  of 
which  you  are  not  yet  fully  aware. 

There  has  been  no  opportunity  for  you  hitherto  to 
feel  the  difficulty  of  managing  aright  the  spiritual 
concerns  of  a  congregation.  You  have  not  felt  the 
tender  tie  which  binds  the  pastor  to  his  flock.  You 
have  not  felt,  in  all  its  exquisite  anxieties,  the  re- 
sponsibility of  a  watchman  who  must  render  unto 
God  an  account  for  souls.  Under  new  circumstan- 
ces, also,  corruptions,  which  have  been  supposed 
extinguished,  mIU  again  revive.  Passions,  which 
have  been  considered  as  destroyed,  will  be  excited 
into  fresh  contentions.  A  multiplicity  of  undescri- 
bable  anxieties,  will  put  your  temper  to  a  severe  trial. 
Your  self-denial  will  be  frequently  put  to  the  test. 
Your  reputation  will  be  assailed  by  enemies.  Your 
words  will  be  misunderstood,  and  your  motives  mis- 

tures  in  the  universe  more  dissimilar,  than  a  Christian  Bishop 
and  a  Dignitary  of  the  church  of  England. 


(    6S    ) 

represented.  Your  most  disinterested  exertions  will 
often  be  undervalued.  I  know  your  congregation. 
I  have  long  known  them.  1  love  them  and  esteem 
them.  1  hey  will  endeavour  to  make  you  in  every 
respect  comfortable.  But  they  are  human.  They 
are  imperfect.  And  it  is  always  difficult  to  direct 
and  to  control  several  active,  inquisitive,  high-spirit- 
ed, and  diversihed  minds,  so  as  to  effect  one  grea^ 
object,  the  edification  of  all,  and  the  good  of  the 
whole  church  of  Christ.  To  these  difficulties,  is 
added  the  power  of  Satan,  which  you  will  have  to 
resist  in  all  its  devices.  For  we  wrestle  not  against 
Jlesh  and  blood,  but  against  principalities,  against 
powers,  against  the  rulers  oj  the  darkness  of  this 
world,  against  spiritual  wickedness  in  high  places. 
Amidst  these  trials  and  difficulties,  you  must,  never- 
theless, continue  unwearied  in  the  w  ork  whereunto 
you  are  now  ordained. 

Havinij  in  view  the  edification  of  the  church,  it 
becomes  you  to  stir  up  the  gift  that  is  in  you.  It 
is  your  duty,  my  brother,  to  cultivate,  by  frecjuent 
and  fervent  devotion,  close  intimacy  with  your  Re- 
deemer. You  must  read  and  study  the  scriptures, 
as  a  sinner  struggling  for  deliverance  from  the  body 
of  death — as  a  Christian  growing  in  grace  and  in 
knowledge — as  a  critic  weighing  every  expression, 
and  thoroughly  searching  every  subject — as  a  pastor, 
who,  mindlul  of  his  people,  collects  diligently  for 
their  use. — You  must  read  the  scriptures  as  an  am- 


(    69    ) 

jbassador  for  Christ,  that  you  may  understand  and 
proclaim  your  master's  will.  In  preaching  Christ 
crucified,  and  in  administering  the  sacraments,  exer- 
cise both  diligence  and  faithfulness.  And  let  not 
the  ordinance  of  discipline  be  neglected  in  your  mi- 
nistry. Take  heed  to  your  life  and  conversation, 
and  let  them  be  such  as  become  the  gospel.  Be  an 
example  to  the  flock  in  all  love  and  humility.  Be 
patient,  be  sober,  be  vigilant.  Visit  your  people, 
and  strive  to  know  them  as  men  and  as  Christians. 
Indulge  not,  either  in  the  pulpit  or  in  private,  per- 
sonal animosities.  Reprove  and  rebuke  with  all  au- 
thority. Give  not  heed  to  slanders,  and  listen  not 
to  the  tale  of  the  censorious.  In  discipline,  be  cir- 
cumspect and  prompt,  meek,  but  decisive.  Show 
to  your  people  that  you  seek  their  salvation,  "  of 
whom  I  travail  in  birth  again,  until  Christ  be  form- 
ed in  you."  And  in  the  discharge  of  these  duties, 
put  your  trust  in  God.  However  great  your  difficul- 
ties and  your  duties,  greater  still  is  your  support. 

God  is  to  the  faithful  minister  an  all  sufficient 
help.  He  is  a  father  and  a  friend.  He  will  bear 
you  up  in  your  afflictions.  He  will  deliver  you 
from  danger.  He  will  strengthen  you  for  your  la- 
bours. He  pledges  his  faithfulness  for  your  sup- 
port. To  the  commission  which  he  hath,  through 
us,  to-day  delivered  unto  your  hands,  he  hath  added 
a  promise,  which  you  will  never  forget.  It  will  in- 
spire you  with  a  confidence,  which  gives  energy  and 


(     70     ) 

dignity  to  your  ministry,      Zo,  /  am  mth  you  al- 
ways even  unto  the  end  of  the  world.     Amtn. 

CHA'UGE  TO  THE  CONGREGATION. 

I  feel,  my  brethren,  more  joy  than  I  can  express, 
in  turning  to  you,  toward  the  close  of  the  public  du- 
ties which  have  to-day  devolved  upon  me,  in  order 
to  make  application  to  you  of  the  text  which  I  have 
selected  for  discussion.  "  And  I,"  saith  tlie  Lord, 
"  will  give  you  pastors  according  to  mine  heart, 
which  shall  feed  you  with  knowledge  and  under- 
standing." For  this  object  you  have  often  sought ; 
and  you  have  often  been  disappointed.  You  have 
now  succeeded.  Behold  the  answer  of  your  pray- 
ers. Your  pastor  is  before  you.  Do  you  recognize 
him  as  the  gift  of  God  to  you — as  the  ambassador 
of  Christ — as  the  minister  of  your  own  choice?  I 
know  you  do.  And  I  charge  you,  in  the  name  of 
the  great  God  whose  minister  he  is,  that  you  conti- 
nue to  cherish  toward  him  such  a  disposition. 

He  is  entitled  to  your  esteem.  Many  who  have 
no  sense  of  religion,  esteem  its  ministers  for  their 
learning,  their  talents,  their  integrity,  or  their  vene- 
rable deportment.  Ignorant  devotion  also  looks  up- 
on ministers  with  superstitious  veneration.  But  we 
expect  from  you  the  exercise  of  a  more  intelligent 
respect  for  your  pastor.  Reverence  your  Lord  and 
Saviour,  embrace  with  love  the  work  of  salvation^ 
and  you  will  esteem  highly  for  that  work's  sake  he 


(    71     ) 

who  preaches  the  gospel  of  peace.  Hoxv  beautiful 
upon  the  rnountains  are  the  Jeet  oj  him  that  bring- 
eth  good  tidings ! 

Your  minister  also  has  a  right  to  expect  submis- 
sion from  you  to  the  authority  which  he  exerciseth 
over  you.  This  power  is  for  your  own  edification. 
*'  Obctf  them  that  have  the  rule  oxier  you,  and  sub- 
mit yourselves  ;  for  they  watch  for  your  souls,  as 
they  that  must  give  an  account,  that  they  may  do  it 
•with  joy,  and  not  with  grief,  for  that  is  unprofita^ 
hie  for  ijou." 

I  need  not,  brethren,  put  you  in  mind  that  you 
are  bound  to  support  comfortably  your  minister  and 
his  family.  When  the  church  had  called  upon  your 
liberality  heretofore,  she  was  not  disappointed. 
And  on  this  occasion,  also,  you  have  manifested  the 
same  disposition.  You  have  made  liberal  provision 
for  your  pastor.  Ministers  deserve  from  their  peo- 
ple a  comfortable  support.  Spending  their  time, 
their  talents,  and  their  strength,  for  the  good  of  the 
church,  it  is  hard  if  the  church  will  not  provide  for 
them.  The  labourer,  yea,  the  common  labourer,  is 
worthy  of  his  hire.  And  despicable  indeed  must 
that  congregation  be,  which  would  not  cheerfully 
communicate,  until  the  minister  who  labours  for 
their  salvation  could  live  as  comfortably  in  the  world 
as  they  do.  I  speak  to  every  individual.  You  have 
not  done  your  duty,  until  you  have  enabled  your  mi- 
nister to  live  as  well  as  you  do.     "  For  God  loveth 


(     72     ) 

a  cheerful  giver.  And  God  is  able  to  make  all 
grace  abound  toward  you  ;  that  ye  always  having 
all  sufficiency  in  all  things,  may  abound  to  every  good 
work."" 

Let  me  also  charge  you  to  be  much  engaged  in 
prayer  to  God  for  your  pastor.  That  Christian, 
who  habitually  supplicates  the  throne  of  grace  for  a 
blessing  on  the  ministry,  will  profit  by  the  word. 
Cultivate  also  pious  conversation  with  him,  and 
provoke  him  to  instruct  you,  in  private,  as  well 
as  in  public.  Let  your  houses  be  open  for  his  re- 
ception ;  and  let  your  families  be  instructed  to  res- 
pect his  visitations.  Be  manly,  as  well  as  pious. 
Indulge  not  toward  him  a  censorious  spirit.  Trou- 
ble him  not  with  tales  of  defamation.  Join  him, 
and  support  him  in  the  maintenance  of  discipline, 
and  in  promoting  the  general  interest  of  religion  in 
the  church.  Confine  not  your  exertions  within  the 
limits  of  your  own  congregation  ;  but,  with  a  noble 
generosity,  co-operate  with  your  pastor  in  every 
plan  which  is  calculated  to  spread  the  gospel,  to  pro- 
vide a  learned  and  pious  ministry  for  the  church,  or 
to  increase  the  number  and  strength  of  other  con- 
gregations. 

"  Finally,  brethren,  farewell.  Be  perfect,  be  of 
good  comfort,  be  of  one  mind,  live  in  peace ;  and 
the  God  of  love  and  peace  shall  be  with  you."  Amen. 

FINIS. 


NEGRO  SLAVERY 

UNJUSTIFIABLE. 


SERMON. 


NEGRO  SLAVERY 

UNJUSTIFIABLE. 


DISCOURSE, 


By  ALEXANDER  MCLEOD,  A.M. 

tastor  of  the  Reformed  Presbyterian  Congregation  in  the  City  of  New-YorlCi 


Vi'hosoever  looketh  unto  the  perfect  law  of  liberty,  and  continueth 
therein;  he  being  not  a  forgetful  hearer,  but  a  doer  of  the  work; 
this  man  shall  be  blessed  in  his  deed. 

James  i.  25. 


NEW-YORK: 

Printed  by  T.  (3  J.  Slf'ORDS,  No.  99  Pearl-street. 


1802. 


ADVERTISEMENT. 

i  HE  Author  of  this  Discourse  had  a  call  presented  to 
him,  in  November,  1800,  to  take  the  pastoral  charge  of 
a  congregation  in  the  county  of  Orange,  in  the  State  of 
New- York.  He  perceived  among  the  subscribers  the  names 
of  some  whom  he  knew  to  be  holders  of  slaves.  He 
doubted  the  consistency  of  enslaving  the  Negroes  with  the 
Christian  system,  and  was  unwilling  to  enter  into  a  full  ec- 
clesiastic communion  with  those  who  continued  the  prac- 
tice. He  hesitated  to  accept  the  call ;  but  took  an  early 
opportunity  of  writing  to  the  Elders  of  the  Church,  and 
of  intimating  to  the  Presbytery  his  sentiments  respecting 
slavery. 

The  Reformed  Presbytery  has  judicially  condemned  the 
practice,  and  warned  their  connections  against  it.  This 
pi'oduced  an  additional  evidence  of  the  force  of  Christian 
principle.  It  triumphed  over  self-interest ;  and,  in  several 
parts  of  the  United  States,  have  men  sacrificed,  on  the  altar 
of  Religion,  the  property  which  the  civil  law  gave  them  in 
their  fellow  men.  There  is  not  a  slave-holder  now  in  the 
communion  of  the  Reformed  Presbytery. 

A  sense  of  duty  determined  the  author  to  commit  this 
Discourse  to  the  press.  In  the  publication  of  it  he  has 
particularly  in  view  the  instruction  and  establishment  of 
those  inhabitants  of  Orange  who  have  placed  themselves 
under  his  pastoral  care.  Through  them  he  addresses  all 
into  whose  hands  the  Discourse  may  come. 

If  the  Redeemer  shall  be  pleased  to  bless  it,  and  render 
it  the  means  of  ameliorating  the  bondage,  or  of  procuring 
the  liberty  of  any  miserable  African,  the  author  shall  re- 
ceive more  than  a  recompense. 


THE  PRACTICE 

OF 

HOLDING  MEN  IN  PERPETUAL  SLAVERY 

CONDEMNED. 


ExoD.  xxl.  16.  He  that  stealeth  a  man,  and  selleth  him, 
or  if  lie  be  found  in  his  hand,  he  shall  surely  be  put 
to  death. 

God  is  omnipotent.  His  omnipotence  is  necessary,  and 
independent  of  every  other  being.  He  is  the  source  from 
which  all  power  flows.  Whatever  physical  force  can  be 
exerted  by  man,  is  derived  from  his  Maker.  In  the  ex- 
ercise of  natural  power  man  is  under  a  law  to  God.  He 
is  indeed  a  free  agent;  but  the  divine  law  circumscribes 
his  sphere  of  action,  and  marks  out  boundaries  which  he 
cannot  pass  with  impunity.  To  exert  his  natural  powers 
under  the  direction  of  law  is  right :  to  exercise  any  powers 
derived  from  God,  contrary  to  his  declared  will,  is  wrong. 
Whatever  is  included  in  the  grant  God  has  made  to  the 
human  family,  is  one  of  the  rights  of  nuni;  and  beyond 
this  grant,  contrary  to  God's  law,  man  cannot  claim  a 
right,  until  he  shakes  off  his  dependency,  and  elevates  his 
own  authority  until  it  become  paramount  to  that  which  is 
exercised  by  Jehovah.  Whosoever  attempts  to  deprive 
any  of  the  human  family  of  the  former,  or  put  him  in  pos- 
session of  the  latter,  is  guilty  of  treason  against  Heaven, 


(     6     } 

unless  he  is  expressly  commissioned,  in  this  particular  in- 
stance, to  contradict  the  general  principles  of  law,  by  the 
same  great  authority  from  which  the  law  derives  its  bind- 
ing force.  He  who,  without  this  authority,  breaks  over 
the  barriers  of  law,  and,  with  physical  force,  deprives  his 
neighbour  of  liberty  or  property,  is  an  enemy  to  God  and 
to  man;  much  more  so  he  who  commences  an  unprovoked 
attack  on  any  of  his  fellow  men,  and,  with  lawless  power, 
steals  him  from  his  connections,  barters  him  for  some  other 
commodity,  or  forces  him  to  labour  for  the  benefit  of  an- 
other, and  that  other  an  enejiiyy  who  has  committed,  or 
countenanced  the  commission  of  the  theft. 

The  divine  law  declares  this  a  crime,  and  prescribes  the 
punishment.  He  who  &tealeth  a  man,  and  selleth  him, 
or  if  he  be  found  in  his  handy  he  shall  sureli)  be  put  to 
death. 

This  law  was  given  to  the  Hebrews  as  a  body  politic ; 
but  it  proceeds  on  a  moral  ground,  and  is,  consequently, 
obligatory  still  on  every  subject  of  moral  government. 

He  who  acknowledges  the  morality  of  tlie  eighth  pre- 
cept of  the  decalogue,  will  not  require  another  proof  of 
the  morality  of  the  conduct  recommended  in  the  text.    If 
he  who  steals  my  purse,  my  coat,  or  my  horse,  be  guilty 
of  an  immorality,  he  cannot  be  innocent  who  robs  me  of 
my  father,  my  brother,  my  wife,  or  my  child.     Against 
this  principle  an  inspired  Apostle  directs  his  argument,  in 
his  Epistle  to  Timothy.    1  Tim.  i.  9.  Knoxving  this,  that 
the  law  is  not  made  for  a  righteous  man,  but  for  the 
lawless  and   disobedient— for  man  stealers — and  if 
there  be  ani/  other  thing  that  is  contrary  to  sound  doctrine. 
Man  stealing  is  classed  with  the  most  detestable  crimes, 
It  is  considered  not  only  reprehensible  among  the  ancient 
Hebrews,  but  a  moral  evil,  in  every  age,  and  in  every  na- 
tion. 


(     7     ) 

From  th6  text,  I  consider  myself  autliorised  to  lay  be- 
fore you  the  following  proposition : 

The  practice  of  buying,  holdings  or  selling  our  unof^ 
fending  felloxe  creatures  as  slaves  is  immoral. 

The  text  will  certainly  support  this  proposition.  Ac- 
cording to  the  common  principles  of  law,  the  receiver  of 
stolen  goods,  if  he  know  them  to  be  such,  is  esteemed 
guilty  as  well  as  the  thief.  The  slave  holder  never  had  a 
riffht  to  force  a  man  into  his  service,  or  to  retain  him, 
■without  an  equivalent.  To  sell  him,  therefore,  is  to  tempt 
another  to  sin,  and  to  dispose  of  that,  for  money,  to  which 
he  never  had  a  right. 

The  proposition  does  not  militate  aguinst  slavery  under 
cverv  form.  By  no  means.  A  man,  by  the  abuse  of  his 
powers,  to  the  injury  of  society,  may  forfeit  liberty,  and 
even  life :  He  may  deserve  slavery  in  the  fullest  sense  of 
the  word,  in  order  that  his  punishment  may  be  a  sanction 
to  the  law — may  be  an  example  to  others — and  may  com- 
pensate, as  much  as  possible,  for  the  injuries  done  to  so- 
ciety. By  *'  innocent  fellow  creatures,"  in  the  proposi- 
tion, it  is  not  designed  to  teach  that  any  of  the  human 
race  is  so  in  relation  to  the  divine  law :  it  is  not  to  be 
understood  in  a  moral,  but  in  a  political  sense.  As  the 
subjects  of  Jehovah's  government,  we  are  all  guilty,  and 
deserve  to  perish.  We  have  merited  eternal  imprisonment 
from  him.  But,  in  relation  to  civil  society,  men  are  deemed 
innocent  unless  they  have  violated  its  laws.  These  are  as- 
suredly entitled  to  personal  freedom. 

It  is  intended,  in  this  discourse,  to  confirm  the  doctrine 
of  the  proposition — to  answer  objections  to  it — and  make 
some  improvemejit  of  it, 

I.  To  hold  ani/  of  our  fellow  vien  in  perpetual  slaveiy 
is  sinful. 

1.  This  appears  from  the  inconsistency  of  the  practice 


{     5     ) 

of  holding  slaves  with  the  natural  rights  of  man.  This 
is  a  term  which  has  been  much  abused.  It  is  proper  that 
accurate  ideas  should  be  annexed  to  it,  otherwise  its  force, 
in  the  present  argument,  will  not  be  perceptible.  If  man 
were  a  being,  owing  his  existence  to  accident,  and  not  a 
creature  of  God,  his  rights  would  indeed  be  negative.  If 
he  stood  in  a  state  of  independency  of  his  Maker,  and  not  a 
subject  of  law,  his  rights  could  be  determined  only  by  the 
will  of  society.  But  he  is  neither  the  son  of  chance  nor 
the  possessor  of  independe?ici/.  His  life  and  his  faculties 
are  the  gift  of  God.  From  heaven  he  derives  positive 
rights,  defined  by  positive  precepts.*  Considering  man  as 
a  free  agent,  by  the  constitution  of  nature  he  has  a  right 
to  the  exercise  of  freedom,  in  conformity  to  the  precepts  of 
that  law  by  whicli  the  author  of  nature  has  ordered  him 
to  regulate  his  actions.  A  delegated  power  he  has  from 
God,  and  no  creature  has  a  right  to  restrict  him  in  its 
rightful  exercise.     To  oppose  the  force  of  an  individual, 


*  The  author  of  "  Political  Justice"  maintains  that  the  rights  of  man 
are  all  negative — that  man  has  no  rights.  His  reasoning  is  ingenious, 
and  is  certainly  less  absurd  than  that  which  would  introduce  blasphemy 
and  vice  among  the  rights  of  man.  Both  sentiments  are,  however,  ab- 
surd, and  the  absurdity  proceeds  from  the  same  source.  Man  is  con- 
sidered in  relation  to  man  only.  The  interest  of  truth  requires  this 
error  to  be  detected  and  exposed.  Before  man  is  considered  in  relation 
to  man,  his  relation  to  God  must  be  understood.  This  is  the  primary 
one.  It  is  that  by  which  a'l  others  must  be  regulated.  Consider  man 
as  a  creature  of  God,  and  depending  upon  his  bounty,  and  you  see  him 
receiving  certain  privileges  from  that  Lord  who  has  a  necessary  and  ab- 
solute property  ii.  all  (.hings.  These  are  the  rights  of  man.  They  are  not 
inherent,  but  derived. 

Consider  man  as  a  creature,  and  you  see  him  under  a  law  to  God. 
His  possessions  are  completely  circumscribed.  Beyond  this  he  has  no 
right.  Ail  ti.  s  rights  of  man  are  derived  from  Cod,  and  agreeable  to  hit 
laiu. 

By  punctual  attention  to  this  principle,  the  friends  of  truth  may 
couMbtently  and  successfully  combat  those  who  would  rob  man  of  his 
rights,  or  wouid  unduly  extend  them.  From  this  double  battery,  by 
mamtaming  a  well-directed  fire,  they  msy  defeat  the  supporters  of 
civil  and  religious  usurpation  on  the  one  side,  and  the  propagators  of 
Hccntiousnbsi  in  politics  and  religion  on  the  other. 


(      9       ) 

or  of  a  society,  to  this,  is  to  wage  war  against  the  Supreme 
Ruler :  It  is  an  attempt  to  reduce  a  moral  agent  to  a  mere 
machine,  whose  motions  are  to  be  regulated  by  external 
force;  and,  consequently,  a  denial  of  his  right  to  the 
person  enslaved,  and  an  arrogant  assumption  of  lawless 
authority  by  the  usurper.  Is  it  necessary  to  pursue  this 
argument  before  an  American  audience?  It  is  generally^ 
if  not  universally  admitted.  The  principle  is  stated  and 
maintained  in  that  instrument  which  hes  at  the  foundation 
of  your  national  existence.  In  defence  of  it  you  have 
fought — you  have  appealed  to  the  Lord  of  Hosts ;  and  in 
its  support  he  has  led  on  your  armies  to  victory. 

2.  If  an  opposite  principle  of  action  were  universally 
admitted,  it  would  lead  to  absolute  absurdity.  A  demon- 
stration of  this  will  confirm  the  proposition* 

If  one  man  have  a  right  to  the  services  of  another,  with- 
out an  equivalent,  right  stands  opposite  and  contrary  to 
right.  This  confounds  the  distinction  between  right  and 
wrong.  It  destroys  morality,  and  justice  between  man  and 
man,  between  nation  and  nation.  I  have  a  right  to  en- 
slave and  sell  you.  You  have  an  equal  right  to  enslave 
and  sell  me.  The  British  have  a  right  to  enslave  the 
French,  and  the  French  the  British — the  Americans  the 
Africans,  and  the  Africans  the  Americans.  This  would 
be  to  expel  right  from  the  human  family — to  resolve  law 
into  force,  and  justice  into  cunning.  In  the  struggle  of 
contending  rights,  violence  would  be  the  only  arbiter. 
The  decisions  of  reason  would  be  perverted,  and  the  sense 
of  morality  extirpated  from  the  breast. 

Such  absurdity  will  meet  with  few  advocates  to  plead  its 
cause  in  theory.    Is  it  not,  tlierefore,  lamentable,  that  any 
should  indulge  a  principle,  or  countenance  a  practice,  the 
justification  of  which  would  necessarily  lead  to  it?    But, 
s 


(      10      ) 

3.  The  practice  of  enslaving  our  fellow  men  stands  equally 
Opposed  to  the  general  tenor  of  the  sacred  scriptures. 

The  Bible  is  the  criterion  of  doctrine  and  conduct.  It 
represents  the  European  and  the  Asiatic,  the  African  and 
the  American,  as  different  members  of  the  same  great  fa- 
mily— the  different  children  of  the  same  benign  and  uni- 
versal parent.  God  has  made  of  one  blood  all  the  nations 
of  men  to  dwell  on  all  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  hath  de- 
termined the  bounds  of  their  habitation.  Acts  xvii.  26. 
In  relation  to  one  another,  they  are  equally  bound  to  the 
exercise  of  benevolence,  and  are  respected  as  naturally 
having  no  inequality  of  rights.  Every  man  is  bound  to 
respect  his  fellow  man  as  his  neighbour,  and  is  com- 
manded to  love  him  as  himself.*  Our  reciprocal  duties 
the  divine  Jesus  summarily  comprehends  in  that  direction 
commonly  called  the  golden  rule:  Whatsoever  ye  xn'ould 
that  men  should  do  to  mm,  do  ye  even  so  to  them :  for  this 
is  the  law  and  the  prophets. ^  This  is  tiie  sum  of  the  duties 
inculcated  in  the  law  of  Moses,  and  in  the  writings  of  the 
inspired  prophets.  How  opposite  the  spirit  of  these  pre- 
cepts and  doctrines  to  the  practice  of  the  slave-holder !  If 
he  is  consistent  with  himself  he  will  reason  thus:  "  These 
slaves  are  not  of  one  blood  with  me.  They  are  not  en- 
titled to  the  love  I  give  to  my  neighbour.  '1  he  conduct 
which  I  should  pursue,  were  I  enslaved  by  another,  I 
would  not  recommend  to  them.  I  shall  feed  and  clothe 
them  from  the  same  principle  that  I  feed  and  stable  my 
cattle.  They  arc  my  property  as  much  as  ihese;  and 
when  they  do  not  serve  my  purpose  agreeably  to  my 
wishes,  I  shall  dispose  of  them  for  money  to  another  traf- 
ficker in  human  flesh.  I  acknowledge,  if  any  person  was 
to  enslave  me,  I  should  endeavour  to  embrace  the  first  op- 

*  Mark  xli.  31.  f  Matt.  vli.  I  a. 


(  11  ) 

portunity  of  making  my  escape.  But  if  ray  Negro  offers 
to  run  away,  I  shall  pursue,  and  severely  chastise  him. 
He  has  no  right  to  leave  his  master ;  the  rule,  Whatsoever 
ye  v^'ould  that  men  should  do  unto  you,  do  ye  also  so  to 
them,  notwithstanding." — I  need  not  add,  brethren,  that 
such  sentiments  are  opposite  to  the  principles  of  die  ChriS' 
tian  Religion. 

4.  The  practice  which  I  am  opposing  is  a  manifest  vio- 
lation of  four  precepts  of  the  decalogue. 

If  this  can  be  shown,  it  will  be  an  additional  con- 
firmation of  the  doctrine  of  the  proposition.  Revelation 
informs  us,  that  whosoever  offends  in  one  point  is  guilty 
of  all,  James  ii.  10.  And  the  reason  is  added,  because 
the  same  authority  is  wantonly  opposed  in  that  one  point 
which  gives  sanction  to  the  whole  of  divine  revelation. 
By  inference,  therefore,  the  whole  decalogue  is  violated; 
but  there  is  a  direct  breach  of  the  fifth,  the  sixth,  the 
eighth  and  the  tenth  commandments. 

The  fifth  requires  the  performance  of  those  duties  which 
respect  the  several  relations  in  which  we  stand  to  one  an- 
other; and  particularly  enforces  obedience  to  our  natural 
parents.  The  Christian's  duty  to  the  wretched  Afiican, 
brought  providentially  under  his  care,  is  to  afford  him  the 
necessaries  of  life — to  bring  him  up  in  the  nurture  and  ad- 
monition of  the  Lord — to  instruct  him  in  the  knowledge 
of  his  duty  and  his  rights — to  habituate  him  to  honest  in- 
dustry— to  help  him  to  some  business  for  himself,  and  set 
him  at  liberty  from  his  controul.  But  the  slave-holder  ex- 
ercises often  a  cruel,  akvays  an  illegitimate,  authority  over 
his  slave.  He  destroys,  to  a  great  degree,  natural  rela- 
tionship. He  sets  aside  the  authority  of  the  immediate  pa- 
rent; and,  in  opposition  to  the  divine  law,  which  com- 
mands each  to  honour  his  father  and  raodicr,  the  child  is 
taught,  from  die  cradle,  diat  his  duty  consists  in  implicit 
obedience  to  die  command  of  Ids  master. 


(      12     ) 

The  sixth  requires  tJie  use  of  all  lawful  means  to  pre- 
serve the  lives  of  men.  But  ah !  Slavery,  how  many  hast 
thou  murdered?  Thou  hast  kindled  wars  among  the  mi- 
serable Africans.  Thou  hast  carried  the  captive,  who 
escaped  death,  into  a  still  more  miserable  state.  Thou  hast 
torn  from  the  bosom  of  the  grieved  mother  her  beloved 
daughter,  and  broughtest  down  the  grey  hairs  of  an  aged 
parent,  with  sorrow,  to  the  grave.  Thou  hast  buried  them 
on  board  thy  floating  prisons,  and  hast  chained  them  in 
holds,  which  have  soon  extinguished  the  remaining  spark 
of  life.  The  few  who  have  escaped  thou  hast  deprived  of 
liberty,  dearer  itself  than  life. 

The  eighth  forbids  the  unlawful  hindrance  of  our  neigh- 
bour's wealth.  The  whole  life  of  the  slave-holder  is  an 
infringement  upon  it.  The  labour  of  a  man  is  worth 
more  than  his  food  and  cloathing ;  but  the  slave  receives  no 
anore.  His  master  robs  him  of  the  fruits  of  industry.  He 
steals  him  from  his  relations.  He  robs  him  of  his  liberty 
of  action.  He  steals  him  from  himself.  The  tenth  com- 
mandment forbids  all  inordinate  desires  after  worldly  pro- 
perty. Tiie  practice  of  the  slave-holder  is  an  evidence  of 
liis  avarice.  He  employs  servants  without  wages.  He 
sells  to  a  hard  master,  for  money,  the  man  and  the  wo- 
man whose  severe  services  have  already  done  more  than 
make  him  compensation  for  any  trouble  or  expense  to 
which  they  had  subjected  him.  Not  only  the  avaricious 
merchant  who  sails  to  the  coast  of  Africa  with  his  ship 
fitted  out  with  the  implements  of  cruelty,  in  order  to  im- 
port and  expose  to  sale  our  sable  brethren ;  but  the  Ame- 
rican slave-holder  also,  is  convicted  of  a  breach  of  the 
tenth  precept  of  the  moral  law. 

5.  The  system  against  which  I  contend  is  also  inimical 
to  that  benevolent  spirit  which  is  produced  and  cherished 
by  the  gospel  of  free  grace. 


(      13      ) 

In  the  system  of  grace  all  men  are  represented  as  pro- 
ceeding from  one  pair — as  fallen  from  a  state  of  integrity 
and  happiness,  into  a  situation  that  is  sinful  and  miserable. 
God  is  revealed  as  beholding  inan  in  this  condition  with 
an  eye  of  benevolence — having  pity  for  the  distressed, 
mercv  for  the  miserable,  and  grace  for  the  unworthy. 
Jesus,  God  in  our  nature,  appointed  as  the  Saviour  of  sin- 
ners, and  without  respect  of  persons,  gathering  from  the 
north  and  froin  the  south,  from  the  east  and  from  the 
west,  out  of  every  kindred,  tongue,  and  people,  and  na- 
tion, an  innumerable  multitude,  to  be  introduced,  through 
his  divine  mediation,  into  a  state  of  unspotted  purity  and 
unspeakable  happiness. 

The  influence  which  the  grace  of  the  gospel  has  upon 
the  heart,  is  to  cultivate,  increase,  and  perfect  every  be- 
nevolent affection,  and  suppress  all  malevolence,  extirpat- 
ing the  principles  of  sinful  selfishness  from  the  soul — to 
produce  a  spirit  of  meekness  and  self-denial,  of  readiness 
to  forgive  real  injuries,  and  of  prayer  for  the  good  of 
our  enemies.  Yes,  the  spirit  of  the  gospel  is  love  to  God 
and  to  man,  evidencing  its  existence  by  suitable  exertions 
for  the  glory  of  our  Creator,  and  the  happiness  of  all  our 
brethren,  here  and  hereafter. 

How  does  this  system.  Christian,  correspond  with  the 
slave-trade?  You  behold  your  African  brethren  in  the 
same  miserable  state  in  which  you  are  yourself  by  nature.* 
Do  you  not  sympathize  with  them  ?  Your  Maker  has 
not  excluded  them  from  a  share  in  his  love,  nor  has  the 
blessed  Redeemer  interdicted  them  from  claiming  a  share 
in  his  salvation.  How  can  you  degrade  them,  tliercfore, 
from  that  rank  which  their  Maker  has  assigned  to  them, 
^nd  endeavour  to  assimilate  them  to  the  beasts  that  perish  ? 

•  Eph.  ii.  3. 


(     14     ) 

By  divine  grace  you  are  taught  not  to  love  this  world,  nor 
to  be  conformed  to  its  sinful  practices.  Rom.  xii.  2.  Look 
at  your  slave !  How  came  you  by  him  ?  Who  had  a 
right  to  tear  his  father  from  the  bosom  of  his  friends,  in 
order  to  enslave  him  and  his  offspring,  and  sell  this 
wretched  victim  to  you  ?  How  long  will  religion  suffer 
you  to  retain  him  in  bondage?  for  life?  Ah!  hard-hearted 
Christian !  is  it  thus  you  imitate  his  example  who  died  for 
your  sins?  who  voluntarily  descended  from  his  heavenly 
glory,  and  humbled  himself  into  the  death,  in  order  to  de- 
liver you  from  slavery  ?  On  him  rested  the  spirit  of  the 
Lord,  for  he  preached  glad  tidings  unto  the  meek.  He 
proclaimed  liberty  to  the  captive,  and  the  opening  of  the 
prison  doors  to  them  who  were  bound.  Isa.  Ixi.  1 .  Does 
the  same  spirit  rest  on  you?  does  it  produce  a  similar  dis- 
position? Consider  the  contrast:  consider  it  attentively. 
You  have  pronounced  heavy  tidings  in  the  ear  of  your 
slave.  You  have  proclaimed  bondage  for  life  to  the  cap- 
tive. You  have  even  closed  upon  him  the  door  of  hope 
in  his  prison.  You  have  purposed  to  enslave  his  offspring. 
Merciful  God !  how  unmerciful  do  thy  creatures  act  to- 
wards one  another  ? 

6.  The  last  argument  I  shall  use  for  confirming  the 
doctrine  of  the  proposition,  shall  be  taken  from  the  perni- 
cious consequences  of  the  system  of  slavery. 

To  this  manner  of  reasoning  there  can  be  no  valid  ob- 
jection, if  it  be  kept  within  proper  boundaries.  That 
evil  consequences  follow  a  certain  practice  is  not  always 
a  decisive  evidence  that  the  practice  is  wrong;  but  it  is  a 
sufficient  reason  for  us  to  pause,  and  examine  it  in  the  light 
of  truth.  If  we  be  required,  in  the  divine  law,  to  pursue 
this  path,  we  must  obey,  leaving  the  consequences  to  his 
management  who  commands  us.  If  it  be  in  itself  law- 
ful, but  not  requisite,  evil  coQsequences  presenting  them- 


(     15     ) 

selves  would  teach  us  not  to  proceed.  But  if  it  really 
be  a  forbidden  path,  the  pernicious  effects  of  travelling  it 
are  additional  warnings  against  continuing  in  it  any 
longer. 

Ministers  are  commanded  to  preach  the  gospel,  though 
it  should  prove  the  occasion  of  submitting  many  to  tribu- 
lation in  this  life,  and  be  to  many  a  savour  of  death  unto 
death  in  the  next.  It  was  lawful  for  the  Apostle  to  the 
Gentiles  to  eat  whatsoeva-"  meat  was  sold  in  the  shambles; 
but  if  his  using  this  Hberty  would  have  been  productive 
of  evil  consequences,  he  would  have  instantly  desisted 
from  the  practice.   1  Cor.  viii.  13. 

If,  then,  from  a  lawful  practice,  it  be  expedient  to  de- 
sist, because,  although  to  ourselves  useful,  it  is  detrimental 
to  others,  it  is  certainly  our  duty  to  relinquish  a  system 
which  is  dubious  in  its  nature.  ^Vhen  we  liave  presump- 
tive evidence  that  we  are  fundamentally  wrong,  evil  con- 
Sequences  are  decisive  against  us ;  and,  as  in  the  case  be- 
fore us,  when  other  evidences  condemn  the  practice,  its 
pernicious  consequences  loudly  demand  that  from  it  we 
should  immediately  desist. 

1 .  This  practice  has  a  tendency  to  destroy  the  finer  feel- 
ings, and  render  the  heart  of  man  more  obdurate.  The 
butcher,  long  inured  to  slaughter,  is  not  hurt  at  the  low- 
ing of  the  oxen  or  the  bleating  of  the  lambs  which  he  is 
about  to  kill.*  Nor  is  the  common  executioner  much 
agitated  in  his  work  of  blood,  whether  the  victim  be  in- 
nocent or  guilty.  The  slave  may  roar  under  the  lash  of 
his  master,  without  commanding  the  least  sympathy.  The 
slave-holder  views  all  the  iEtliiopian  race  as  born  to  serve. 

*  Frequent  attendance  in  the  slaughter-house  is  supposed  calculated 
to  blunt  the  feelings  of  humanity.  By  the  laws  of  England,  a  butcher 
is  not  admitted  to  sit  on  a  jury,  lest  be  should  not  be  sufficiently  deli- 
cate in  ca«?$  gf  life  and  death. 


(      16     ) 

His  heart  is  steeled  against  them.  Nor  is  the  transition 
great  to  become  hard-hearted  to  ail  men.  "  The  whole 
commerce  between  master  and  slave  is  a  perpetual  exercise 
of  die  most  boisterous  passions — the  most  unremitting  des- 
potism on  the  one  part,  and  degrading  submission  on  the 
other.  The  parent  storms — the  child  looks  on,  catches 
the  lineaments  of  wrath,  puts  on  the  same  airs  in  the  cir- 
cle of  smaller  slaves,  gives  a  loose  to  the  worst  of  his  pas- 
sions; and  thus  nursed,  educated,  and  daily  exercised  in 
tyranny,  cannot  but  be  stamped  by  it  with  odious  peculia- 
rities. The  man  must  be  a  prodigy  who  can  retain  his 
manners  and  morals  undepraved  by  such  circumstances."* 

2.  It  debases  a  part  of  the  human  race,  and  tends  to 
destroy  their  intellectual  and  active  powers.  The  slave, 
from  his  infancy,  is  obliged  implicitly  to  obey  the  will  of 
another.  There  is  no  circumstance  which  can  stimulate 
him  to  exercise  his  own  intellectual  powers.  There  is 
much  to  deter  him  from  such  exercise.  If  he  think  or 
plan,  his  thoughts  and  plans  must  give  way  to  those  of 
his  master.  He  must  have  less  depravity  of  heart  than 
his  white  brethren,  otherwise  he  must,  under  this  treat- 
ment, become  thoughtless  and  sullen.  The  energies  of 
his  mind  are  left  to  slumber.  Every  attempt  is  made  to 
smother  them.  It  is  not  surprising  that  such  creatures 
should  appear  deficient  in  intellect. 

Their  moral  principles  also  suffer.  They  are  never  cul- 
tivated. They  are  early  suppressed.  While  young,  the 
little  tyrants  of  their  master's  family  rule  over  them  with 
rigour.  No  benevolent  tie  can  exist  between  them.  The 
slave,  as  soon  as  he  can  exercise  his  judgment,  observes 
laws  to  protect  the  life,  tlie  liberty  and  the  property  of  his 
master;  but  no  law  to  procure  these  for  him.     He  is  pri- 

*  Jefferson's  Notes,  Query  XVIII. 


(    n    ) 

vate  property.  His  master's  will  is  his  rule  of  duty.  We 
have  no  right  to  expect  morality  or  virtue  from  such  arx 
education  and  such  examples. 

3.  Another  evil  consequence  is  the  encouragement  of 
licentiousness  and  debauchery. 

The  situation  of  the  blacks  is  such  as  to  afford  every 
encouragement  to  a  criminal  intercourse.  This  is  not  con- 
fined to  the  blacks  themselves,  but  frequently  and  shamefully 
exists  between  them  and  their  masters.  Tlie  lust  of  the 
master  maybe  gratified  and  strengthened  by  intercourse  with 
the  slave,  without  fear  of  prosecution  for  the  support  of 
the  offspring,  or  the  character  of  the  mother.  The  situa- 
tion of  these  women  admits  of  few  guards  to  their  chastity. 
Their  education  does  not  strengthen  it.  In  the  Southern 
States,  illicit  connection  with  a  negro  or  mulatto  woman  is 
spoken  of  as  quite  a  common  thing.  No  reluctance,  de- 
licacy or  shame  appear  about  the  matter.  The  number  of 
mulattoes  in  the  Northern  States  prove  that  this  evil  is  also 
prevalent  among  their  inhabitants.  It  is  usually  a  con-"^ 
comitant  of  slavery. 

4.  This  leads  to  a  fourth  lamentable  consequence — the 
destruction  of  natural  affection. 

An  irregular  intercourse  renders  it  difficult  for  the  father 
to  ascertain  his  proper  offspring.  Among  the  slaves  them- 
selves marriage  is  a  slender  tie.  The  master  sells  the  hus- 
band to  a  distance  from  his  wife,  and  the  mother  is  sepa- 
rated from  her  infant  children.  This  is  a  common  thing. 
It  must  destroy,  in  a  great  measure,  natural  affection.  Nor 
is  the  evil  confined  to  the  slaves.  Their  master,  in  this  in- 
stance, exceeds  them  in  hardness  of  heart.  He  sees  his 
slave  nursing  an  infant  resembling  himself  in  colour  and 
in  features.  Probably  it  is  his  child,  his  nephew,  or  his 
grand-child.  He  beholds  such,  however,  not  as  relatives, 
c 


(,    18     ) 

but  as  slaves,  and  rejoices  in  the  same  manner  that  he  does 
in  viewing  the  increase  of  his  cov^'s  or  liis  horses.* 

5.  Domestic  tyranny,  whicli  exists  as  a  correlative  to 
domestic  slavery,  is  a  nursery  for  civil  tyrants.  Powerful 
must  be  the  force  of  other  principles,  and  singular  the  com- 
bination of  circumstances,  which  can  render  an  advocate 
for  dcm.estic  slavery  a  sincere  friend  of  civil  liberty.  Is  it 
possible?  If  he  can  buy,  sell,  and  enslave  for  life,  any 
individual  of  the  human  race,  for  no  reason  but  self- 
interest,  I  should  be  unwilling  to  trust  him  with  the  affairs 
of  a  nation.  Kad  he  it  in  his  power  to  do  it  with  im- 
punity, and  did  it  appear  conducive  to  his  interest,  or  gra- 
tifying to  his  ambition,  he  would  become  as  really  a  des- 
pot as  the  most  arbitrary  monarch. 

C.  This  practice  is  calculated  to  bring  down  the  judfr- 
mcnts  of  God  on  societies  and  individuals. 

The  toleration  of  slavery  is  a  national  evil.  It  is  the  worst 
of  robberies  sanctioned  by  law.  It  is  treason  against  Hea- 
ven— a  conspiracy  against  the  liberties  of  his  subjects.  If 
the  Judge  of  all  the  earth  shall  do  right,  he  cannot  but 
punish  the  guilty. 

Nations,  as  such,  have  no  existence  in  a  future  state; 
they  must  expect  national  judgments  in  the  present.  Dis- 
tributive justice  will  mxasure  their  punishment  according  to 

*  "  It  is  far  from  being  uncommon  to  see  a  southern  gentleman  at 
dinner,  and  his  reputed  offtpring,  a  slave,  waiting  at  the  table.  '  I 
myself,'  says  a  gentleman  of  observation,  '  saw  two  instances  of  thii 
kind;  and  the  company  would  very  facetiously  trace  the  features 
of  the  father  and  mother  in  the  child,  and  very  accurately  point  out 
their  nnjre  characteristic  resemblances.  The  fathers,  neither  of  them, 
blushed,  nor  seemed  disconcerted.  They  were  called  men  of  worth, 
politeness  and  humanity.'  The  Africans  are  said  to  be  inferior,  in 
point  of  sentiment  and  feeling,  to  white  people.  The  African  labours 
night  and  day  to  collect  a  small  pittance  to  purchase  the  freedom  of 
his  child.  The  white  man  begets  his  likeness,  and,  with  much  indif- 
ference, sees  his  offspring  in  bondage  and  misery,  and  makes  not  one 
effort  to  rtdccm  his  own  blood." 

J\Ione\-  Universal  Gtography,  p.  66. 


(     19     ) 

their  criminality.  O  America,  what  hast  thou  to  ac- 
count for  on  the  head  of  slavery  !  Thou  alone,  of  all  the 
nations  now  on  the  earth,  didst  commission  thy  delegates, 
in  peace,  and  in  security  from  the  over-awing  menaces  of 
a  tyrant,  or  of  factions,  to  form  thy  Constitution.  Thou 
didst  possess,  in  a  peculiar  sense,  the  light  of  reason,  of 
science,  of  revelation,  of  past  argumentation,  and  of  past 
experience.  Thou  hadst  thyself  formerly  condemned  the 
principle,  and,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  made  an  ap- 
peal to  heaven  for  the  justice  of  thy  cause.  Heaven  heard, 
and  answered  agreeably  to  thy  wishes.  Yet  thou  didst 
contradict  a  principle  so  solemnly  asseited.  Thou  hast 
made  provision  for  increasing  the  number  and  continuing 
the  bondage  of  thy  slaves.  Thy  judgments  may  tarry,  but 
they  will  assuredly  come.*    Individuals  are  also  in  danger. 

*  The  Declaration  of  Independence  has  these  words :  "  We  hold 
these  truths  to  be  self-evident — that  all  men  are  created  equal — that  they 
are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unalienable  rights — that 
among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness — that  to  se- 
cure these  rights  governments  are  instituted  among  men."  The  negroes 
are  created  equal  with  the  whites  according  to  this  instrument.  'I'heir 
liberty  is  an  unalienable  right.  But  this  nation  has  taken  away  this 
unalienable  right  from  them.  And  although  the  nation  declares  that 
government  is  instituted  to  preserve  this  right,  the  government  still 
continues  to  deprive  them  of  it.  The  United  States,  according  to  the 
late  census,  taken  in  i8or,  hold  875,626  of  the  human  race  in  slavery. 
They  have,  even  in  the  Constitution  of  the  general  government,  twelve 
years  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  made  provision  for  the 
increase  of  the  number.  Art.  i.  Sect.  9.  "  The  migration  or  imporic- 
tlon  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the  States  now  existing  shall  think  pro- 
per to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year 
1808."  They  have  thus,  inconsistently,  constitutionally  authori.-.ed  a 
continuance  of  the  worst  of  robberies.  Very  few  of  the  States  have. 
made  any  adequate  provision  for  the  emancipation  of  their  slaves.  But 
the  State  of  South-Carolina  has  exceeded  her  sister  States  in  endeavours 
to  perpetuate  tins  impious  practice.  What  language  can  expre5s  th^ 
political  inconsistency  of  a  people  who  have  inserted  in  a  republican 
constitution  of  government  the  following  section?  Constitution  of 
South-Carolina,  Art.  i.  Sect.  6.  "  No  person  shall  be  eligible  to  a  seat 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  unless  he  is  a  free  v.hitc  man.  If  a 
resident  in  the  election  district,  he  shall  not  be'eligible  to  a  seat  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  unless  he  be  legally  seized  and  possessed,  in 
his  own  riglic,  of  a  settled  freehold  estate  of  five  hundred  aoics  of 


(      20     ) 

Those  who  live  "  without  God  in  the  worlcT*  may  have  tem- 
poral judgments  inflicted  upon  them  for  the  part  they  have 
acted  in   tlie  encouragement  of  slavery ;  but  the  time  of 
retribution  is  in  the  world  to  come.     Even  real  Christians, 
the  guilt  of  whose  sins  is  removed  through  the  atonement 
of  Jesus,  but  who  have  learned  the  way  of  the  heathen  so 
far  as  to  confirm  to  the  wicked  practice  of  buying,  selling, 
and  retaining  slaves,  have  a  right  to  expect  severe  correc- 
tions. Psalm  Ixxxix.  30 — 32.     In  proportion  as  they  have 
an  opportunity  of  ascertaining  duty,  will  their  danger  in- 
crease, unless  they  cheerfully  sacrifice  interest  to  it.     He 
■who  knows  his  master's  will,  and  doeth  it  not,  shall  be 
beaten  with  many  stripes.  Luke  xil.  47.     I  speak  to  you 
who  parley  with  this  temptation — you  who,  in  defiance  of 
conviction,  are  determined  to  go  on  in  the  paths  of  self- 
interest.     In  this   very   path   you   may  meet  correction. 
Your  treasures  are  not  secure.    There  is  a  God;  and  while 
godliness  continues  to  have  the  promise  of  the  life  which 
now  is,  as  well  as  that  which  is  to  come^^'  those  who  con- 
tinue to  practise  on  tlie  system  of  slavery  may  expect  to 
suffer  losj.     Watch  them  close:  they  may  one  day  elude 
your  vigilance,  and  escape  with  your  treasure.     The  en- 
slaved Hebrews  were  allowed  to  escape  with  the  jewels  of 
the  ]i!gyptians.     You  may  lose,  in  a  similar  manner,  as 
much  of  your  property  as  you  have  withheld  from  them 
of  their  earnings  whom   you  retain  in  bondage.     If  not, 
God  has  it  in  his  power  to  send  mildew  and  blasting  upon 
your  crops — murrain  and  pestilence  among  your  herds — 


land,  and  ten  negroes."  To  tolerate  slavery  is  an  evil  of  no  small 
magnitude;  to  give  it  a  national  recommendation  is  still  more  inexcus- 
able; but  to  render  it  a  condition  without  which  no  man  can  represent, 
in  the  legislature,  the  district  in  which  he  lives,  exceeds  any  thing  on 
record  in  the  annals  of  nations.  This  Constitution  was  adoptoJ  as  late 
as  the  year  1790. 

•  I  Tim.  iv.  8. 


(      21      ) 

until  you  sustain  a  greater  loss  than  you  would  have  suf- 
fered by  giving  liberty  to  your  slaves.  I  should  think  it  a 
favourable  evidence,  though  not  a  conclusive  argument, 
that  God  has  a  regard  for  you,  if  you  are  thus  chastised  for 
your  oppression  of  your  brethren.  But  if  ye  be  without 
chastisement y  whereof  all  are  partakers,  then  are  ye  bas- 
tards, and  not  sons."^ 

I  have  now  finished  what  I  designed  to  say  in  confirma- 
tion of  the  doctrine  of  the  proposition,  and  shall  proceed, 

II.  To  refute  objections  offered  to  the  principle  I  have 
been  defending. 

It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  every  objection  shall  now 
occur.  Some  that  are  made  probably  I  never  heard ;  and 
some  which  I  have  heard  may  have  escaped  my  recollec- 
tion. I  shall  not,  however,  designedly  evade  any  that  has 
the  appearance  of  argument.  I  shall  examine  each  in 
order  to  ascertain  its  full  value. 

Objection  I.  "  Nature  has  made  a  distinction  between 
man  and  man.  One  has  stronger  intellectual  powers  than 
another.  As  physical  strength  prevails  in  the  subordinate 
ranks  of  creation,  let  superiority  of  intellect  preside  among 
intelligent  creatures.  The  Europeans  and  their  descendants 
are  superior  in  this  respect  to  the  Africans.  These  latter 
are,  moreover,  in  their  own  country,  miserable.  Their 
state  is  not  rendered  worse  by  being  enslaved.  It  is  just 
for  the  more  intelligent  to  rule  over  the  more  ignorant,  and 
to  make  use  of  their  services." 

Answer.  The  distinctions  which  nature  makes  be- 
tween man  and  man  are  probably  not  so  great  as  those 
which  owe  their  existence  to  adventitious  circumstances. 

The  inferiority  of  the  blacks  to  the  whites  has  been 

*  Hebrews  xii.  8. 


(      22      ) 

greatly  exaggerated.*  Let  tlie  fact,  however,  be  granted, 
and  yet  the  inference  which  is  the  principle  of  the  objec- 
tion will  not  follow.  It  is  the  essence  of  tyranny.  It  is 
founded  in  false  notions  concerning  the  nature  of  man. 
You  say,  "  a  greater  proportion  of  intellect  gives  a  right  to 
rule  over  the  less  intelligent."  But  you  are  to  observe  that 
man  is  not  only  a  creature  capable  of  intellectual  exertion, 
but  also  one  who  possesses  moral  sentiments,  and  a  free 
agent.  He  has  a  right,  from  the  constitution  given  him 
by  the  Author  of  Nature,  to  dispose  of  himself,  and  be 
his  own  master  in  all  respects,  except  in  violating  the  will 
of  Heaven.  He  naturally  acts  agreeably  to  the  motives 
presented  to  him,  with  a  liberty  of  choice  respecting  them. 
He  who  argues  a  right  to  rule  from  natural  endowments 
must  have  more  than  a  superior  understanding  to  show. 
He  must  evidence  a  superiority  of  moral  excellence,  and 
an  investiture  with  authority;  otherwise  he  can  have  no 
right  to  set  aside  the  principle  of  self-governir.cnt,  and  act 


*  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  the  blacks  destitute  of  mental  powers- 
In  some  settlements  in  this  State,  particularly  along  the  Mohawk,  and 
in  Scoharie,  the  negroes,  although  slaves,  arc  admitted  to  the  privilege 
of  consultation  with  their  masters  about  the  manner  of  conducting  their 
labour.  They  live,  comparatively,  at  ease  and  in  plenty.  They  con- 
sult about  the  management  of  the  farm,  and  frequently  convey  the 
produce  to  the  markets.  The  negroes,  in  these  places,  are  as  intelli- 
gent and  active  as  their  masters,  unless  the  latter  have  had  signal  ad- 
vantages from  education,  and  associating  with  superior  company. 

The  courage  and  skill  of  the  negroes  in  war  will  no  longer  be  dis- 
puted, after  their  transactions  in  St.  Domingo  and  Guadaloupe  are 
known.  And  great  must  be  his  prejudice  who  can  deny  to  the  black 
Toussaint  the  qualifications  of  a  warrior  and  a  statesman. 

The  writings  of  Phillh  Whcatly  evince  that  negroes  are  not  destitute 
of  poetic  genius ;  and  the  letters  of  Jgnaihn  Sancho  discover  their  pos- 
session of  talents  for  prose  composition.  The  observations  of  the  Rev. 
Samuel  Miller,  of  New- York,  on  the  negro  school  of  that  city,  and 
those  of  Anthony  Benezet  on  the  school  in  Philadelphia,  coiwtnn  tliis 
truth.  But  if  any  person  desires  more  documents  to  corroborate  tiic 
position  that  the  talents  of  the  negroes  are  not  inferior  to  those  of  the 
whites.  I  refer  him  to  Clarkson's  Essay,  and  to  Dr.  Beattic's  refuta- 
tion of  Hume's  assertions  with  respect  to  African  capacity.  There  he 
will  find  satisfaction. 


(     23      ) 

in  opposition  to  that  freedom  which  is  necessarily  implied 
in  personal  responsibility  to  the  Supreme  Moral  Governor. 
Consider  the  consequences  which  the  objection,  if  granted, 
would  involve.  He  who  could,  by  cunning  contrivance, 
reduce  his  innocent  and  more  simple  neighbour  under  his 
power,  would  be  justifiable  in  enslaving  him  and  his  off- 
spring for  ever.  All  the  usurpation  of  men  of  genius 
without  virtue,  from  the  days  of  Pharaoh  to  those  ot  Bo- 
naparte, would  be  justifiable  on  this  principle. 

As  for  the  circumstance  of  the  Africans  being  wretched 
while  at  their  own  disposal,  you  are  not  accountable  tor 
it.  Friendship  for  them  is  not  well  shown  in  the  slave- 
trade.  Your  wicked  trafiic  has  already  rendered  them 
more  wicked  and  wretched  even  in  Africa.  If  you  have 
ameliorated  the  condition  of  one,  you  have  rendered  more 
painful  the  condition  of  thousands.* 

*  The  nations  called  civilized,  upon  accurate  calculation,  are  found 
to  export  annually  from  Africa  one  hundred  thousand  slaves.  Fifty  thou- 
sand of  these  are  obtained  by  kidnapping.  In  order  to  supply  the  other 
half,  whole  villages  are  at  once  depopulated,  by  order  of  the  Princes 
under  European  influence,  and  wars  entered  into  expressly  for  the 
purpose  of  making  slaves  of  the  prisoners.  These  causes  produce  con- 
stant quarrels,  and  render  the  country  miserable.  It  is  supposed  that 
60,000  lives  perish  annually  in  these  wars.  Of  the  number  shipped 
from  Africa,  25,000  perish  on  the  passage,  by  pestilence,  insurrection, 
shipwreck,  despair,  &c.  25,000  more  perish  in  seasoning  to  the  cli- 
mate of  the  West-Indies.  The  remaining  50,000  linger  out  a  life  of 
wretched  existence.  Another  fact  will  ascertain  the  havoc  which  fa- 
mine, fatigue  and  cruelty  make  among  those  who  are  seasoned  to  tlie 
climate.  Ten  thousand  people,  under  fair  advantages,  should  produce, 
in  a  century,  160,000.  In  one  of  the  colonies  650,000  slaves  were 
imported  in  one  century.  The  offspring  of  these,  at  the  expiration  of 
a  hundred  years,  amounted  to  140,000.  According  to  this  estimate, 
population  was  impeded  in  the  proportion  of  seventy-four  to  one.  In 
their  own  country  they  would  have  produced  ten  millions  in  that  time. 
Thus  it  appears  that  upwards  of  100,000  lives  are  annually  sacrificed. 
This  estimate  is  founded  upon  the  testimony  of  witnesses  by  no  means 
partial  to  the  Africans — the  testimonies  of  Smyth,  Bosnian,  and 
Moore,  agents  to  the  factories  established  in  Africa — and  the  records 
of  Jamaica  and  St.  Domingo.  In  Part  iii.  of  Clark-on's  E^^ay,  a  history 
of  the  slave-trade  is  given,  and  many  tales  of  woe  related.  If  the  ac- 
curacy of  this  estimate  is  doubted,  that  excellent  work  maj  be  con- 
sulted. 


(     24     ) 

Objection  II.  "  The  negroes  are  a  difFerent  race  of 
people  from  us.  Their  capacities,  their  shape,  their  co- 
lour, and  their  smell,  indicate  their  procedure  originally 
from  a  difFerent  pair.  They  are  inferior  to  the  white 
people  in  all  these  respects.  This  gives  a  right  to  the  ^- 
perior  race  to  rule  over  them  as  really  as  nature  gives  a 
right  to  the  use  of  the  other  subordinate  ranks  of  animated 
being." 

Answer.  This  goes  upon  the  footing  of  discrediting 
scripture  authority.  In  a  discourse  to  professed  Christians 
I  might  reject  it  without  consideration.  There  may,  how- 
ever, be  in  my  hearing  a  slave-holder  who  is  an  unbeliever 
of  revelation.  1  would  reason  even  with  him,  that,  if 
possible,  I  may  serve  the  cause  of  justice,  of  liberty,  aiKl 
of  man.  The  use  of  sound  reason  and  philosophy  Chris- 
tianity by  no  means  discards. 

The  principle  of  your  argument  is  inadmissible  j  and, 
if  it  were  not,  it  would  not  serve  your  purpose. 

1.  It  is  inadmissible.  Among  the  individuals  of  every 
species  there  is  a  difference.  No  more  causes  than  are  suf- 
ficient to  account  for  any  phenomenon  are  required  by  the 
rules  of  philosophising.  The  action  of  the  elements  on 
the  human  body,  the  diet  and  the  manners  of  men,  are 
causes  sufficient  to  account  for  that  change  in  the  organiza- 
tion of  bodies  which  gives  them  a  tendency  to  absorb  the 
rays  of  light,  to  perspire  more  freely,  and  to  put  on  that 
shape  which  Is  peculiar  to  the  Inhabitants  of  Guinea  and 
their  descendants.  A  single  century  will  make  a  forcible 
distinction  between  the  inhabitants  of  a  northern  and  a 
southern  climate,  when  the  diet  and  manners  are  similar. 
A  difference  In  these  can  make  a  distinction  In  the  same 
latitude.  It  is  Impossible  to  prove  that  twenty  or  thirty 
centuries,  during  which  successive  generations  did  not 
mingle  with  a  foreign  race,  could  not  give  to  the  African 


(     25     ) 

ftegro  that  peculiarity  of  bodily  appearance  which  so  stub- 
bornly adheres  to  him  when  translated  into  another  clime. 
A  few  years  of  a  hot  sun  may  produce  a  swarthiness  of 
complexion  wliich  the  mildest  climate  cannot,  for  years, 
exchange  for-  a  rosy  cheek.  According  to  the  laws  for 
propagating  the  species,  the  offspring  resembles  the  parent. 
It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  a  very  apparent  change  should 
be  wrought  on  the  complexion  of  the  offspring  of  negroes 
already  in  this  country.  Ten  times  the  number  of  years 
which  have  passed  over  the  heads  of  the  successive  gene- 
rations on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  may  be  necessary,  before 
the  negroes  can  retrace  the  steps  by  which  they  have  pro- 
ceeded from  a  fair  countenance  to  their  present  shining 
black.  The  causes  of  bodily  variety  in  the  human  spe- 
cies which  I  have  stated  are  known  to  exist.*  It  is 
highly  unphllosophical  to  have  recourse  to  others  which 
are  only  conjectural.  Enmity  to  revelation  makes  many 
one  think  himself  a  philosopher.     But, 

2.  If  the  principle  were  just  it  would  be  invalid :  it 
would  not  answer  your  purpose.  If  you  adopt  the  hypo- 
thesis of  several  original  and  distinct  pairs,  by  whom  the 
earth  was  peopled,  you  cannot  determine  where  to  stop. 
The  different  nations  of  Europe  and  of  Asia,  and  tiie  dif- 
ferent tribes  of  America,  may  have  had  different  original 
parents,  all  upon  the  footing  of  subordination  one  to  the 
other.f    If  the  principle  of  your  objection  were  admissible. 


*  The  author  embraces  this  opportunity  of  recommending  "  An  In- 
quiry into  the  Causes  of  Variety  in  the  Human  Complexions,"  by  Dr. 
Smith,  President  of  the  College  of  New- Jersey.  His  admirable  cri- 
ticisms on  Lord  Kaimes,  by  far  the  most  able  advocate  of  the  doctrine 
of  a  plurality  of  distinct  original  pairs,  deserve  the  perusal  of  the  phi- 
losophic inquirer. 

f  Mr.  Miller  eloquently  expresses  himself  on  this  subject:— 
"  Pride,  indeed,  may  contend  that  these  unhappy  subjects  of  our 
oppression  are  an  inferior  race  of  beings;  and  are,  therefore,  as- 
signed, by  the  strictest  justice,  to  a  depressed  and  servile  station  in  so- 


(      26      ) 

it  would  prove  too  much,  lead  to  absurdity,  and  is  there- 
fore capable  of  proving  nothing.  Each  nation  might 
claim  a  superiority  of  rank  over  the  other.  Right  would 
be  opposed  to  right,  and  cunning  and  violence  would  be 
the  only  umpires.  Involve  not  yourself  in  such  inextrica- 
ble difficulties  in  advocating  a  practice  truly  indefensible. 

Objection  III.  "I  firmly  believe  the  scriptures.  All 
the  families  of  the  earth  are  brethren.  They  are  originally 
descended  from  Adam,  and  secondarily  from  Noah.  But 
the  blacks  are  the  descendants  of  Ham.  They  are  under 
a  curse,  and  a  right  is  given  to  their  brethren  to  rule  over 
them.  We  have  a  divine  grant,  in  Gen.  ix.  25 — 27,  to 
enslave  the  negroes." 

Answer.  This  threatening  may  have  extended  to  all 
the  descendants  of  Ham.  It  is,  however,  to  be  noticed, 
that  it  is  directed  to  Canaan,  the  son  of  Ham.  In  order 
to  justify  negro  slavery  from  this  prophecy,  it  will  be  ne- 
cessary to  prove  four  things.  1 .  That  all  the  posterity  of 
Canaan  were  devoted  to  suffer  slavery.  2.  That  African 
negroes  are  really  descended  of  Canaan,  3.  That  each  of 
the  descendants  of  Shcm  and  Japheth  a  has  moral  right 
to  reduce  any  of  them  to  servitude.  4.  That  every 
slave-holder  is  really  descended  from  Shem  or    Japheth. 

ciety.  But  in  what  does  this  inferiority  consift?  In  a  difference  oi  com-' 
flexion  andjigure?  Let  the  narrow  and  illiberal  mind,  who  can  advance 
such  an  argument,  recollect  whither  it  will  carry  him.  In  traversing 
the  various  regions  of  the  earth,  from  the  equator  to  the  pole,  we  find 
an  infinite  diversity  of  shades  in  the  complexion  of  men,  from  the  dark- 
est to  the  fairest  hues.  If,  then,  the  proper  station  of  the  African  is 
that  of  servitude  and  depression,  we  must  also  contend  that  every  Por- 
tuguese and  Spaniard  is,  though  in  a  less  degree,  inferior  to  us,  and 
should  be  subject  to  a  measure  of  the  same  degradation.  Nay,  if  the 
tints  of  colour  be  considered  the  test  of  human  dignity,  we  may  justly 
assume  a  haughty  superiority  over  our  southern  brethren  of  this  con- 
tinent, and  devise  their  subjugation.  In  short,  upon  this  principle, 
where  shall  liberty  end?  or  where  shall  slavery  begin?  at  what  grade 
is  it  that  the  tics  of  blood  are  to  cease  ?  and  how  many  shades  must  we 
descend  still  lower  in  the'scale,  before  mercy  is  to  vanish  with  them?" 
Discount;  io  the  Idanumisiion  Society  of  Nsw-Tork^  p.  12, 13* 


(     27     ) 

Want  of  proof  in  any  one  of  these  particulars  will 
invalidate  the  whole  objection.  In  a  practice  so  contrary 
to  the  general  principles  of  the  divine  law,  a  very  express 
grant  from  the  supreme  authority  is  the  only  sanction  to 
us.  But  not  one  of  the  four  facts  specified  as  necessary 
can  be  supported  with  unquestionable  documents.  On 
each  of  them,  however,  we  may  spend  a  thought. 

1 .  The  threatening  is  general.  It  does  not  imply  parti- 
cular personal  servitude  as  much  as  political  inferiority  and 
national  degradation.  It  does  not  imply  that  every  indi- 
vidual of  that  race  should  of  right  be  kept  in  a  state  of 
slavery. 

2.  It  is  possible  the  negroes  are  descended  from  Ham. 
It  is  even  probable.  But  it  is  almost  certain  tliat  they  are 
not  the  offspring  of  Canaan.  The  boundaries  of  their 
habitation  are  defined.  Gen.  x.  19.  The  Canaanitish  ter- 
ritory is  generally  known  from  subsequent  history. 

3.  The  supposition,  however,  that  the  curse  fell  on 
the  negroes,  may  be  granted  with  safety  to  the  cause  of 
those  who  are  opposed  to  the  system  by  which  they  are 
enslaved.  It  will  not  serve  as  a  warrant  for  this  practice. 
It  is  not  to  be  considered  as  a  rule  of  duty,  but  as  the  pre- 
diction of  a  future  event.  God  has,  in  his  providence, 
given  many  men  over  to  slavery,  to  hardships,  and  to  death. 
But  this  does  not  justify  the  tyrant  and  the  murderer.  Had 
it  been  predicted,  in  so  many  words,  that  the  Americans 
should,  in  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  be 
in  possession  of  African  slaves,  we  might  argue  from  the 
fact  the  truth  of  the  prophecy,  but  not  the  propriety  of 
the  slave-holder's  conduct.  It  was  foretold  that  Israel 
should  be  in  bondage  in  Egypt.  Gen.  xv.  13.  This  did 
not  justify  the  cruelty  of  Pharaoh.  He  was  a  vessel  of 
wrath.  Jesus,  our  God  and  Redeemer,  was  the  subject  of 
many  predictions.    According  to  ancient  prophecy,  and  to 


(      28      ) 

satisfy  divine  justice,  he  was  put  to  death.  The  charac- 
ters who  fulfilled  this  prediction  were  wicked  to  an  ex- 
treme. Acts  ii,  23. 

4.  Slave-holders  are  probably  the  descendants  of  Japheth, 
although  it  cannot  be  legally  ascertained.  And  they  may 
be  fulfilling  tlie  threatening  on  Canaan,  although  they  are 
not  innocent.  Be  not  afraid,  my  friends;  prophecy  shall 
be  fulfilled,  although  you  should  liberate  your  slaves.  This 
prediction  has  had  its  accomplishment  three  thousand  years 
ago.  The  descendants  of  Shem  did,  by  divine  direction, 
under  the  conduct  of  Joshua,  subjugate  the  offspring  of 
Canaan,  when  they  took  possession  of  the  promised  land. 

This  naturally  leads  us  to  consider  another  objection — 
the  most  plausible  argument  that  can  possibly  be  offered 
in  defence  of  the  unhallov^^ed  practice  of  holding  our  fel- 
low men  in  perpetual  bondage. 

Objection  IV.  "  God  permitted  the  ancient  Israelites 
to  hold  their  fellow  creatures  in  servitude.  Men  and  wo- 
men were  bought  and  sold  among  them.  The  bond  ser- 
vant is  called  his  master's  money.  Exod.  xxi.  21.  Had  it 
been  wrong  in  its  nature  to  enslave  any  human  being, 
God  could  not  have  granted  the  Hebrews  a  permission  to 
do  it.  Negro  slavery,  stripped  of  some  accidental  cruelties, 
is  not  necessarily  wicked." 

Answer.  This  objection  requires  minute  attention. 
The  fact  is  granted.  Heaven  did  permit  the  Hebrews  to 
purchase  some  of  the  human  race  for  servitude.  The  ge- 
neral principle  deduced  from  this  fact  is  also  granted. 
It  is,  in  certain  cases,  lawful  to  enslave  our  fellow  crea- 
tures. The  application  of  it  to  justify  the  practice  of  mo- 
dern nations  is  by  no  means  admissible. 

God  is  the  Lord  of  the  universe.  As  the  Supreme  Go- 
vernor, he  docs  what  is  right.  His  subjects  have  violated 
his  law,  abused  their  liberty,  and  rebelled  against  die  ma- 


(     29      ) 

jesty  of  Heaven.  They  have  forfeited  to  his  justice  the 
liberty  and  the  Hfe  he  gave  them.  These  they  must  yield. 
They  will,  at  the  time  appointed  by  the  Judge,  be  enclosed 
in  the  grave.  The  sovereign  has  also  a  right  to  the  use 
of  whatever  instrument  he  chooses  in  the  execution  of  the 
sentence.  He  may  choose  the  famine  or  the  pestilence, 
the  winds  or  the  waves,  wild  beasts  or  human  beings,  to 
be  the  executioners.     Again : 

Civil  society  has  certain  laws,  to  which  its  members, 
voluntarily  claiming  its  privileges,  have  assented.  A  vio- 
lation of  these  is  the  violation  of  a  contract,  and  the  pe- 
nalty stipulated  musr  he  paid  by  the  offenrler.  "When,  by 
a  person's  licentiousness,  justice  is  violated,  or  society  en- 
dangered, it  is  just  and  necessary  to  enslave  the  criminal, 
and  make  his  services,  if  possible,  useful  to  society.  This 
much  I  cheerfully  grant;  and  shall  now  proceed  to  show 
that  the  objection  does  not  apply  to  the  doctrine  which  I 
have  been  endeavouring  to  establish. 

You  cannot  argue  conclusively,  in  defence  of  negro 
slavery,  from  the  practice  of  the  ancient  Hebrews,  unless 
you  can  prove,  1st.  That  the  slavery  into  which  they 
were  permitted  to  reduce  their  fellow  creatures  was  similar 
to  that  in  which  the  negroes  are  held:  and,  2dly.  That 
ycu  have,  the  same  permission  which  they  had,  extended 
to  you.  If  proof  fails  in  either  of  these,  the  objection  is 
invalid,  and  I  undertake  to  show  that  both  are  without 
proof. 

I.  The  servitude  into  which  the  Hebrews  were  permitted 
to  reduce  their  fellow  men  was  attended  with  such  restric- 
tions as  rendered  it  essentially  different  from  the  negro 
slave-trade.  It  may  be  considered,  I .  With  reference  to 
their  brethren  ;    2.  As  it  respected  strangers. 

1 .  A  natural  descendant  of  Abraham  might,  in  two  cases, 
be  sold  by  die  ma"  istratcs  into  servitude.   These  were  theft 


(     30     ) 

and  insolvency.     And  so  great  was  the  regard  for  freedom 

whicli  their  code  of  laws  discovered,  that  even  the  thief 

could  not  be  enslaved  while  he  had  property  sufficient  to 

answer  the  demands  of  the  law  for  the  theft,    Exod.  xxii. 

1 — 4.  If  a  man  shall  steal  an  ox  or  a  sheep^  and  kill  it, 

or  sell  it,  he  shall  restore  five  oxen  for  the  ox,  and  four 

sheep  for  the  sheep.     If  a  thief  have  nothing,  then  he 

shall  be  sold  for  his  theft.     The  servitude  into  which  the 

debtor  was  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the  creditor  was  not 

severe.     Lev.  xxv.  39 — 43.  Jf  thy  brother  that  dwelleth 

with  thee  be  waxen  poor,  a?id  be  sold  unto  thee,  thou  shall 

not  compel  him  to  serve  as  a  bond  servant,  but  as  an  hired 

sei^ant  and  as  a  sojourner  he  shall  be  with  thee.     Thou 

shalt  not  rule  over  him  with  rigour,  but  shall  fear  thy 

God.     In  both  cases  tlie  duration  of  this  species  of  slavery 

was  limited  to  six  years.    On  the  seventh  he  shall  go  out 

free  for  nothing.  Exod.  xxi.  2.     And  it  was  required,  in 

the  case  of  the  debtor,  that  his  master  should  give  him 

some  stock  on  which  he  might  again  begin  business  for 

the  support  of  his  family.    Deut.  xv.  12 — 15.   When  thou 

sendest  him  out  free,  thou  shalt  furnish  him  liberally  of 

thy  flock,  thy  floor,  and  thy  wine-press. 

Both  these  laws  evidence  the  greatest  care  of  the  liberties 
of  individuals  which  is  consistent  with  the  real  interest  of 
the  nation.  They  are  strong  motives  to  industry,  and 
guard  against  burdensome  taxation  for  the  support  of  pri- 
sons. 

2.  There  were  two  classes  of  aliens  with  respect  to 
which  the  Israelitish  law  gave  directions — those  who  be- 
longed to  any  of  the  neighbouring  Canaanitish  tribes  in 
particular,  and  such  as  belonged  to  other  nations  in  gene- 
ral. With  respect  to  the  latter,  the  law  was  exactly  the 
same  as  to  tlie  Hebrews  themselves.  Lev.  xxiv.  22.  Ye 
shall  have  one  manner  of  law  as  well  for  the  stranger  as 


(     31     ) 

for  one  of  your  own  country.  Verse  35,  next  chapter.  If 
thy  brother  be  waxen  poor^  then  thou  shalt  relieve  him — 
yea,  though  he  be  a  stranger  or  a  sojourner.  But  there 
are  particular  exceptions  from  this  general  law,  which 
guaranteed  from  invasion  the  life,  the  liberty,  and  the 
property  of  aliens.  These  exceptions  refer  to  the  remains 
of  the  conquered  tribes  living  among  the  Israelites,  or  to 
such  of  the  nations  of  Canaan  as  were  around  them. 
Lev.  XXV.  44,  45.  Of  the  heathen  that  are  round  about 
you,  shall  ye  buy  bondmen  and  bondmaids.  Of  the  chil- 
dren of  the  strangers  that  sojourn  among  you,  shall  ye 
buy,  and  of  the  families  which  they  begat  in  your  land. 
This  permission  was  merciful.  The  descendants  of  Abra- 
ham were  expressly  appointed  the  executioners  of  the  di- 
vine sentence  against  the  tribes  of  Canaan.  Extermina- 
tion was  the  command;  but  on  their  voluntary  subjection 
they  were  only  reduced  into  a  state  of  servitude.  The 
Israelites  were  forbidden  to  use  them  harshly.  Exod.  xxi. 
26.  Accordingly,  the  Gibeonites,  when  they  craftily  ob- 
tained the  safety  of  their  lives,  were  reduced  Into  the  situa- 
tion of  bond  servants.  Joshua  ix.  When  Saul  treated 
them  with  cruelty,  God  was  offended,  and  even  punished 
David  because  he  did  not  avenge  that  cruelty  on  the  house 
of  Saul,  at  an  early  part  of  his  reign.  2  Sam.  xxi.  1.  I 
proceed, 

II.  To  prove  that  this  example  is  not  for  our  imitation. 
The  Israelites  themselves  had  no  right  to  fit  out  their  ships 
with  their  implements  of  cruelty,  in  order  to  steal,  buy. 
Stow  away,  and  chain  men  of  other  nations,  living,  with- 
out injury  to  them,  at  a  distance  from  their  shores.  Had 
they  done  so,  no  future  traffic  could  have  rendered  their 
prizes  legitimate.  They  were  officially  employed  by  Hea- 
ven to  punish  the  Iniquity  of  the  nations  which  they  van- 
quished.    They  were  ordered  to  sybdue,  destroy  or  en- 


(     32     ) 

skve  the  descendants  of  Canaan,  and  take  possession  of 
the  land  covenanted  to  tlieir  father  Abraham.  As  a  pe- 
culiar people,  they  were  to  be  kept  distinct  until  Mes- 
siah should  come.  The  remains  of  foreign  nations  could 
not,  therefore,  be  admitted  to  the  rights  of  citizenship. 
The  wall  of  partition  is  now  broken  down.  All  mankind 
are  our  brethren.  There  is  no  similarity  of  circumstances 
between  us  and  the  ancient  Hebrews — no  divine  permis- 
sion that  can  justify  us  in  holding  slaves.  Although  the 
slavery  were  exactly  the  same  with  that  into  which  the 
blacks  are  reduced,  the  practice  of  modern  nations  would 
remain  unjustifiable. 

The  descendants  of  JShcm  have,  in  the  Hebrew  nation, 
reduced  Canaan  into  a  state  of  servitude ;  and  the  offspring 
of  Japhech  have  supplanted  those  of  Shem  in  both  spiritual 
and  temporal  privileges. 

Objection  V.  "  Slavery  was  tolerated,  in  the  primi- 
tive ages  of  Christianity,  by  the  Roman  laws.  It  is  not 
condemned  by  Christ  or  his  Apostles.  They  have  given 
directions  for  the  conduct  of  master  and  slave.  1  Tim.  vi.  1 . 
They  have  not  intimated  that  the  practice  of  keeping  men 
in  slavery  was  sinful." 

Answer.  What  vou  have  asserted  is  not  correct,  and, 
if  it  had  been,  it  would  be  no  objection  to  the  principles 
for  which  I  contend.  The  New  Testament  does  condemn 
the  slave-trade.  1  Tim.  i.  10.  Man-stealing  is  here  re- 
probated, together  with  every  practice  which  is  contrary 
to  somid  doctrine  and  the  spirit  of  the  glorious  gospel. 
1  Cor.  vii.  21.  If  thou  may  est  he  made  free,  use  it  rather. 
It  is  recommended  to  the  slave,  if  he  is  able,  to  procure 
his  liberty.  If  he  has  no  fair  means  of  obtaining  it,  it  is 
his  duty  patiently  to  continue  in  bondage.*     The  gospel 

*  Commerce  in  the  human  species  is  of  a  very  early  date.  Moses 
informs  us  that  Joseph  was  sold  as  a  slave,  and  disposed  of  ia  Egypt 


(     33     ) 

hope  comforts  him.  The  New  Testament  says  (Col.  iv.  1 .), 
Masters^  give  unto  your  sei^ants  that  which  is  jiist 
and  equal.  Treat  them  justly;  use  them  mercifully;  pay 
them  lawful  wages ;  give  them  an  equivalent  for  their  ser- 
vices. But,  supposing  the  scriptures  had  been  silent  on 
this  subject,  the  objector  could  not  justify  negro  slavery 
from  that  silence.     If  it  prove  any  thing  it  will  prove  too 

as  such  by  the  purchasers.  Gen.  xxxvli.  30,  36.  Homer  informs  us, 
that  in  the  time  of  the  Trojan  war  Egypt  and  Cyprus  were  markets 
for  slaves.  Antinous  threatens  to  send  Ulysses  to  one  of  those  places. 
Odys.  lib.  xvii.  v.  448. 

Tyre  and  Sidon  were  uutorious  for  prosccuiiug  ilic  slave-trade.  This 
custom  travelled  over  all  Asia ;  spread  through  the  Grecian  and  Ro- 
man world ;  and  was  practised  among  the  barbarous  nations  which 
overturned  the  Roman  Empire.  The  abolition  of  the  slave-trade 
among  the  European  nations  has  been  falsely  attributed  to  the  feudal 
system.  The  prevalence  of  Christianity  was  the  real  cause  of  it.  The 
charters  which  were  granted,  in  those  days,  for  the  freedom  of  slaves, 
were  expressly,  pro  amorc  Del,  pro  mercede  animo ;  "  that  they  might 
procure  the  favour  of  the  Deity,  which  they  conceived  themselves  to 
have  forfeited  by  the  subjugation  of  those  whom  they  found  to  be  the 
objects  of  divine  benevolence."  These  effects  were  produced  as  the  na- 
tions were  converted,  and  procured  a  general  liberty  through  Europe 
before  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century.  In  the  commencement  of  this 
century  slaves  were  a  capital  article  in  the  domestic  and  foreign  trade 
of  England.  When  any  person  had  more  children  than  he  could  main- 
tain, he  sold  them  to  a  merchant.  In  the  Council  held  at  St.  Peters, 
■Westminster,  A.  D.  Iioa,  this  practice  was  prohibited.  In  the  great 
Council  of  Armagh,  A.  D.  1171,  the  clergy  of  Ireland  decreed  that  all 
the  English  slaves  should  be  immediately  emancipated.  fHenry's  Eng- 
land, vol.  vi.  p.  267,  8vo  edit.)  It  had  not  yet  been  discovered  that 
the  New  Testament  authorised  slavery.  No.  Wherever  this  religion 
prevails,  it  will  be  found  to  be  the  "perfect  laiv  of  liberty." 

The  instance  of  Gnesimus  has  been  very  unhappily  selected  by  the 
advocates  of  slavery  to  support  their  system.  It  does  not  appear  cer- 
tainly that  he  had  been  a  slave  to  Philemon,  He  had  been,  indeed,  a 
servant.  But,  if  a  slave,  he  was  to  be  so  no  longer.  Phil.  16.  Paul  had 
a  right  to  demand  his  Uberty.  Phil.  8.  He  knows,  however,  that  to 
request  it  would  be  sufficient.  Phil.  9.  It  appears  Gnesimus  had 
wronged  his  master.  Phil.  18.  Notwithstanding,  Paul  might  lawfully 
have  retained  him  without  a  recompence.  Phil.  13.  But,  confiding 
in  Philemon's  integrity,  leaves  the  matter  to  his  own  option,  and 
becomes  security  for  Gnesimus.  Phil.  15.  It  appears  that  this  Gne- 
simus was  no  longer  slave  or  servant.  He  was  more  probably  after- 
wards a  minister  of  the  gospel,  and  colleague  with  fychicus  in  Collosse. 
He  is  said  to  have  been  afterwards  pastor  at  Ephcsus. 


(     34     ) 

iTitich.  It  will  prove  the  justice  of  the  worst  of  tyranny, 
the  most  dreadful  cruelty,  because  Nero  is  not  specified  as 
an  infamous  tyrant  in  the  New  Testament.  It  will  prove 
that  you  have  a  right  to  sell  your  own  children  as  slaves** 
• — to  kidnap  your  neighbour,  your  countryman  and  your 
friend.  You  need  not,  therefore,  confine  your  traffic  in 
human  flesh  to  tlie  Afi  lean  race.  You  may  extend  it  even 
to  your  own  children.  Eut  if  such  practices  are  not  for- 
mally mentioned  and  condemned  in  the  New  Testament, 
the  principles  from  which  they  proceed  are  reprobated  in 
the  strongest  terms.  The  whole  system  of  slavery  is  op- 
posite to  the  spirit  of  that  religion  which  is  righteousness 
and  peace.  True  religion  cheers  the  heart  both  of  the 
subject  of  a  tyrant  and  the  slave  of  a  master.  It  teaches 
fhem  their  duty  as  men,  as  social  beings,  as  citizens  of  the 
world ;  while  it  reprobates  the  character  who  holds  them 
in  durance,  and  condemns  the  tenor  upon  which  he  holds 
his  authority.  It  does  not  alter  the  external  condition  of 
the  believer,  unless  it  reaches  the  heart  of  those  who  are 
in  power.  It  teaches  him  faithfulness  and  sobriety,  pa- 
tience and  resignation,  until  God,  in  his  providence,  af- 
fords him  an  opportunity  of  being  more  usefully  active 
in  the  restoration  of  moral  order  to  society. 

Objection  VI.  "  I  abhor  the  principle.  The  practice, 
of  importing  and  selling  men  is  detestable.  But  here  they 
are.  We  found  them  slaves.  We  are  not  obliged,  at 
the  expense  of  our  property,  to  set  them  at  liberty.  The 
community  in  general  will  not  consent  to  it.  They  will 
therefore  be  slaves.  I  want  a  servant.  I  may  purchase 
and  hold  a  slave.     His  condition  will  not  be  rendered 

•  The  immoralities  practised  in  the  Roman  Empire,  under  the  sanc- 
tion of  law,  were  numerous  and  aggravated.  It  would  be  an  unreason- 
able mode  of  compiling  a  system  of  ethics,  to  sustain  as  moral  every  an- 
cient usage  of  the  Grecians  and  Romans  which  are  not  expressly  con" 
<ltmued  in  the  New  Testament. 


,(     35     ) 

worse  by  serving  me.  I  am  bound  to  treat  him  merci- 
fully :  but,  as  matters  are  now  situated,  there  can  be  no 
evil  in  my  keeping  him  in  bondage." 

Answer.  IF  men  were  not  strongly  influenced  by  in- 
terested motives,  they  could  not  impose  so  far  on  their 
own  understandings  as  to  give  indulgence  to  the  principle 
contained  in  this  objection.  A  long  C07itinuance  of  evil- 
doing  will  change  the  nature  of  wrong  unto  right.  If  so, 
there  is  an  end  to  the  distinction  between  virtue  and  vice. 
Your  fathers  left  the  negroes  in  bondage,  as  an  inheritance 
to  you.  Does  this  justify  you  in  retaining  them?  No. 
If  the  first  stealer  and  the  first  buyer  acted  contrary  to 
justice,  the  Constant  retainer  cannot  be  guiltless.  You 
condemn  the  principle,  but  justify  the  practice.  Act  con- 
sistently, I  beseech  you.  Touch  not,  taste  not,  handle 
not  the  unclean  thing.  Let  me  call  your  attention  to  an- 
other fact.  You  have  a  slave  of  thirty  years  of  age  in 
your  possession.  He  was  born  in  your  house.  By  na- 
tural laws,  and  according  to  the  first  principles  of  civil 
liberty,  he  was  born  equally  free  with  your  son.  Who 
has,  upon  him,  committed  the  robbery  by  which  he  has 
been  deprived  of  his  natural  rights  ?  Yourself.  Lay  not 
the  blame  on  your  parents,  for  you  imitate  their  example. 
The  text  applies  to  you  directly.  You  have  stolen  from 
his  connections,  from  himself,  a  man  born  in  your  house. 
Have  you  purchased  him  ?  You  have  countenanced  an 
impious  commerce ;  the  best  reparation  you  can  make  is 
to  set  your  slave  at  liberty.  You  cannot  afford  to  per- 
form acts  of  such  extensive  benevolence.  Do  justice, 
however.  Deal  mercifully  with  your  servant.  When  t'nc 
wages  which  he  might  have  annually  earned  shall  have 
an^ounted  to  the  purchase  money,  and  lawful  interest,  set 
him  immediately  at  liberty  from  your  controul.  If  you 
^re  a  worthy  character,  he  sliall  afterwards  voluntarily 


(     36     ) 

serve  you,  unless  he  be  ungrateful  indeed,  provided  you 
give  iiim  due  wages.  After  confessing  the  system  to  be 
indefensible,  it  is  to  be  hoped  you  will  not  give  your  suf- 
frages to  render  it  permanent. — I  shall  proceed, 

III.  To  make  some  improvement. 

In  his  walk  of  faith,  the  Christian  considers  himself 
bound  to  the  practice  of  every  known  duty.  By  the  test 
of  obedience,  the  nature  of  his  love  to  God  is  tried.  This 
IS  the  love  of  God,  that  ye  keep  his  commandments,  aM 
his  commandments  are  not  grievous.*  This  disposition 
inclines  and  fits  him  for  making  a  practical  improvement 
of  just  theory.  And  the  view  we  have  now  had  of  the 
evils  of  the  slave-trade  may  be  improved  for  several 
uses. 

1 .  AVe  should  lament  over  the  distressing  sufferings  of 
our  brethren  in  bondage.  True  piety  does  not  blunt  the 
feelings  of  benevolence.  Commiseration  with  the  wretch- 
ed is  strongly  inculcated.  Weep  with  those  that  weep. 
Evangelic  principle  forms  the  soul  to  it.  For  these  things 
I  weep;  viine  ei/e,  mine  eye,  runneth  doxon  with  tears.f 
The  situation  of  the  African  is  miserable.  In  his  native 
country  he  is  in  darkness.  He  has  no  vision,  no  well- 
grounded  hope — the  inhabitant  of  a  waste  wilderness, 
■without  God  in  the  world.  He  becomes  acquainted  with 
foreigners  on  whom  a  Christian  education  has  been  be- 
stowed. They  profess  the  religion  which  breathes  peace 
and  good  will  towards  men.  He  knows  them  to  his  sor- 
row. New  occasions  for  war  are  afforded,  and  new  and 
terrible  instruments  for  prosecuting  war  provided,  for  the 
already  ferocious  tribes  of  the  wilderness.  He  is  taken 
captive,  and  is  sold  for  a  bauble.  He  is  chained  in  the 
suffocating  dungeon  of  a  floating  prison.     He  is  brought 

•  Rom.  xii.  15.  f  Lament,  i.  i6. 


(     37     ) 

into  a  strange  country.     The  whip  is  brandished  over  his 
head.   With  its  lash  his  back  is  furrowed.    In  a  land  boast- 
ing of  civilization,  and  enlightened  by  the  gospel  luminary, 
he  is  doomed  to  ignorance,  to  rudeness  and  wretchedness. 
There  is  power  on  the  side  of  the  oppressor,  but  on  his 
side  there  is  no  power.*    His  genius  is  cramped;  the  ener- 
gies of  his  mind  are  suppressed;  his  moral  feelings  are  era- 
dicated ;  his  soul,  his  immortal  soul,  is  left  to  perish  with- 
out the  knowledge  of  Jesus.     "  Oh,  slavery,   thou  art  a 
bitter  draught!"    Miserable  African,  we  lament  over  your 
condition.    We  are  sensible  of  your  sufferings.    We  sym- 
pathise with  you.     We  rerognise  yon  as  a  brnthftr.     We 
recommend  you  to  the  protection  of  our  Heavenly  Father. 
We  consign  you  to  the  arms  of  our  dear  Redeemer.    God 
of  mercy !  Let  the  sighing  of  the  prisoner  come  before 
thee:  according  to  the  greatness  of  thy  power,  preserve 
ihou  those  that  are  appointed  to  die.f 

2.  We  may  improve  the  view  we  have  taken  of  the  ne- 
gro slave-trade,  in  order  to  stimulate  us  to  present  duty. 

The  benevolence  of  the  Christian  is  not  like  the  sensi- 
bility of  a  writer  of  romance,  ready  to  be  exercised  on 
imaginary  objects,  but  blind  to  objects  of  reality.  While 
we  drop  the  tear  of  compassion  over  the  slave,  let  us  in- 
quire whether  or  no  we  can  do  any  thing  to  alleviate  his 
sorrows.  Cannot  your  agency  diminish  the  number  of 
slaves,  and  your  behaviour  be  an  example  to  others  to 
contribute  their  influence  to  the  same  desirable  end? 

I  cannot  demand  of  you,  my  brethren,  to  sacrifice  your 
property  imprudently  in  purchasing  the  liberty  of  your 
neighbour's  slaves;  but  justice,  your  religion,  requires 
that  you  should  cease  to  be  slave-holders  yourselves. 
With  respect  to  the  young,  arrangements  may  be  made, 

*  Ecdes.  iv.  i.  ^  Psalm  Ixxu.  il. 


(     38      ) 

to  defray,  by  their  services,  the  expense  of  their  support  and 
their  education,  before  they  are  emancipated.  To  tliis  you 
have  a  right,  and  to  no  more.  The  middle-aged  has  al- 
ready repaid  your  expenditures.  If  he  has  been  pur- 
chased, charity  would  recommend  it  to  you,  nevertheless, 
to  set  him  at  libertv:  and  justice  demands  that  you  should 
retain  him  in  bondage  no  longer  than  is  sufficient  to  re- 
compence  you  for  your  trouble  and  expense.  With  re- 
ference to  the  old,  the  inactive  and  the  infirm,  godly  wis- 
dom will  direct  the  conscientious  to  such  measures  as  may 
be  best  calculated  to  secure  their  advantage,  and  enable 
you  to  maintain  an  honourable  testimony  against  this  abo- 
minable usurpation.  Be  merciful  to  them.  Cultivate  tlieir 
understandings.  Make  them  feel  themselves  to  be  men. 
Raise  them  to  the  rank  which  God  has  assigned  them. 
Teach  them  the  doctrines  of  the  gospel.  Give  them  ha- 
bits of  industry.  Pray  for  them.  Sacrifice  the  property, 
which  the  civil  law  gives  you  in  them,  on  the  altar  of  re- 
ligion. Seek  for  a  recompence  from  on  high.  Heaven 
can  reward  you.  Godliness  is  profitable  unto  all  things. 
Jt  has  the  promise  of  the  life  -which  noxa  is,  and  of  thai 
rehic/i  is  to  come."* 

3.  The  preceding  discussion  may  be  improved  for  dis- 
covering the  duty  of  gospel  ministers. 

These  occupy  an  important  office  in  the  house  of  God. 
They  are  ambassadors  for  Jesus  Christ.  They  are  com- 
missioned not  so  much  to  please  as  to  teach.  The  volume 
of  revelation  contains  their  instructions.  In  negociating  a 
treaty  between  heaven  and  earth,  they  are  not  to  neglect 
its  directions.  It  contains  no  useless  articles  to  be  expunged 
or  neglected.  Much  prudence,  much  prayer,  and  large 
communications  of  the  divine  spirit,  are  indeed  necessary 

•  I  Tim.  iv.  8. 


(     39     ) 

to  constitute  fallible  man  a  wise  steward  of  the  manifold 
grace  of  God.  This  is  promised ;  a7id  he  is  faithful  who 
promised,  and  able  to  perform.'^^  Mankind  have  no  right 
to  be  offended  at  ministers  for  directing  them  on  the 
head  of  slavery.  My  text  is  in  the  Bible.  I  have  an 
undoubted  right  to  discuss  it.  Is  the  discussion  scriptural, 
and  is  it  well  timed  ?  are  the  only  questions  men  have  a 
right  to  ask.  My  brethren  in  the  ministry,  if  you  la- 
ment over  this  evil,  let  your  voice  be  raised  aloud  against 
it.  The  subject  is  important.  To  handle  it  rashly  may 
be  dangerous.  Offence  may  be  undesignedly  given,  and 
unjustly  taken,  which  may  mar  the  peace  of  the  church, 
and  hinder  the  propagation  of  the  gospel.  Offences  must 
come.  Woe  to  him  by  whom  they  are  introduced.  This 
should  make  you  vigilant,  but  not  silent.  Some,  indeed, 
have  pushed  their  opposition  to  political  evils  too  far. 
1'his  may  have  had  an  influence  in  deterring  others  from 
going  as  far  as  duty  directed.  There  is  a  timidity  natural 
to  some  characters,  which  detains  them  from  prosecut- 
ing public  subjects.  Some,  who  are  traitors  to  their 
Master's  cause,  neglect  some  articles  in  their  instruc- 
tions, while  negociating  in  his  name  ;  and  there  is  a  meek- 
ness and  diffidence  cherished  by  true  piety,  which  render 
ministers  more  disposed  to  evangelic  discussions  than  .to 
inveigh  against  public  immoralities.  But  remember,  bre- 
thren, that  in  preaching  the  gospel  you  are  not  to  neglect 
the  law.  It  is  to  be  used  as  a  schoolmaster  to  lead  men  to 
Christy  who  is  the  end  of  the  law  for  righteousness  to  everi/ 
one  who  bdieveth.  And  you  are  also  to  teach,  that  the 
gospel  is  designed  to  establish  the  law,  and  dispose  men  to 
obey  its  dictates.  You  may  comfort  yourselves,  probably, 
while  neglecting  your  duty  upon  such  subjects,  by  class- 

*  Heb.  t.  *,  3.    Rom.  iv.  ai. 


(     40     > 

ing  yourselves  with  an  apostle,  in  desiring  to  know  tio^ 
thing  but  Jesus,  and  him  crucified.  Be  assured,  however, 
that  the  resolution  of  that  inspired  writer  was  not  recorded 
with  a  view  to  militate  against  the  express  precept  of  our 
arisen  Lord.  He  commanded  his  ambassadors  not  only  to 
preach  the  gospel  to  all  nations,  but  also  to  teach  them  all 
things  •whatsoever  he  commanded.^'  Considering  the  guilt 
and  the  danger  accompanying  the  practice  of  holding  onr 
brethren  in  perpetual  slavery,  it  will  be  serving  God  in 
your  generation  prudently  to  exercise  the  right  of  giving 
public  warning  against  it.  Let  us  do  our  duty,  leaving  the 
consequences  to  God. 

4.  The  view  we  have  taken  of  this  subject  also  affords 
a  practical  lesson  to  our  legislators  and  statesmen.  To 
you  belongs  the  maintenance  of  justice  and  order  in  so- 
ciety. Your  influence,  your  authority,  your  wisdom, 
can  be  of  signal  service  to  the  nation,  if  they  are  all  ex- 
erted in  the  cause  of  righteousness.  Engage  yourselves 
speedily  in  rectifying  this  evil  practice  of  holding  your 
brethren  in  slavery.  It  is  inconsistent  with  the  natural 
rights  of  man;  it  is  condemned  by  the  scriptures;  it  is 
at  war  with  your  republican  institutions;  it  ruins  the  minds 
and  the  morals  of  thousands;  and  it  leaves  you  exposed 
to  the  wrath  of  heaven.  It  is  easy  to  see  thut,  although 
it  supports  indolence  and  the  pride  of  families,  it  is  truly 
detrimental  to  the  wealth,  the  industry,  the  population  and 
the  safety  of  the  commonwealth. f     It  may  be  difficult  to 

*  Matt,  xxviii.   19,  20. 

f  "  From  repeated  and  accurate  calculations,  it  has  been  found  that 
the  expense  of  maintaining  a  slave,  if  we  include  the  purchase-money, 
is  much  greater  than  that  of  maintaining  a  free  man ;  and  the  labour 
pf  the  free  man,  influenced  by  the  powerful  motive  of  gain,  is  at  least 
twice  as  profitable  to  the  employer  as  that  of  the  slave.  Besides,  slavery 
is  the  bane  of  industry.  It  renders  labour  among  the  whites  not 
only  unfashionable,  but  disreputable.  Industry  is  the  offspring  ol  neces- 
sity rather  than  of  choice.     Slavery  precludes  this  necessity,  and  indo- 


(     41      ) 

point  out  a  safe  mode  of  redressing  the  evil.  Every  plai? 
is  accompanied  with  difficulties.  To  export  them  to  Africa 
would  be  cruel.  To  establish  them  in  a  separate  colony 
would  be  dangerous.  To  give  them  their  liberty,  and 
incorporate  them  with  the  whites,  would  be  more  so. 
The  sins  of  the  fathers,  it  is  to  be  feared,  will  be  visited 
on  their  children.  But  it  is  more  safe  to  adopt  any  one 
of  those  plans  than  continue  the  evil.  By  a  national  re- 
penting and  forsaking,  we  may  find  mercy.  Providence 
can  dispose  of  all  things  in  our  favour.  We  have  a  right 
to  expect  that  he  will  ward  off  or  mitigate  the  threatening 
consequences,  "  tbc  natiuu  would  venture  upon  his  kind- 
ness to  do  their  duty. 

It  must  appear  ridiculous  to  Europeans  "  to  hear  of  an 
American  patriot  signing  with  one  hand  declarations  of  in- 
dependency, and  with  the  other  brandishing  a  whip  over 
an  affrighted  slave."  Can  you  be  sincere  friends  to  liberty 
and  order,  and  tolerate  this  dreadful  traffic  ? 

From  repeated  and  accurate  calculations  it  has  been 
found  th^t  slavery  is  unfavourable  to  the  wealth  of  na- 
tions. 


lence,  which  strikes  at  the  root  of  all  social  and  political  happiness,  is  the 
<onsequence."      Morse's  Geography,  p.  65. 

If  these  observations  be  just,  it  appears  that  slavery  Is  impolitic  as 
well  as  immoral;  and  they  will  hold  true  except  in  cases  in  which  the 
negroes  are  treated  in  some  degree  as  men,  and  in  which  they  enjoy  a 
considerable  portion  of  freedom:  and  even  where  this  is  the  case,  there 
is  a  great  disadvantage  accompanying  negro  slavery.  It  renders  service 
of  any  kind  disreputable.  All  the  white  people  cannot  be  masters,  and 
yet  even  the  poor  are  very  unwiUing  to  serve.  When  they  do  engage 
in  service  it  is  difficult  to  deal  with  them.  If  you  assume  an  authority- 
over  them  they  resent  it;  if  you  have  work  to  do  which  i«  disagreeble, 
your  hired  man  or  woman  spurn  at  the  thought  of  being  more  meanly 
employed  than  yourself;  nay,  they  will  not  be  called  servants,  for  thi? 
would  be  reducing  them  to  a  level  with  the  blacks.  This  is  prevalent 
throughout  the  country,  except  in  those  places  in  which  different  cus- 
toms have  introduced  different  ideas.  The  want  of  subordination  and 
faithfulness  in  the  white  servants  in  America,  has  long  been  a  subject 
of  remark  to  Europeans.  In  the  slavery  of  the  blacks  we  see  the  cause 
cf  it— a  cause  more  powerful  than  even  mistaken  notions  of  liberty. 


(      42      ) 

Listen  to  the  remarks  of  a  writer  of  observation  and 
eminence.  "  With  what  execration  should  the  states- 
man be  loaded,  who,  permitting  one  half  of  the  citizens 
thus  to  trample  on  the  rights  of  the  other,  transforms  those 
into  despots,  and  these  into  enemies — destroys  the  morals 
of  the  one  part,  and  the  amor  patria  of  the  other  !  With 
the  morals  of  the  people,  their  industry  also  is  destroyed. 
Of  the  proprietors  of  slaves  a  small  proportion  is  ever  seen 
to  labour.  And  can  the  liberties  of  a  nation  be  thought 
secure,  when  we  have  removed  their  only  firm  basis,  a 
conviction  in  the  minds  of  the  public  that  their  liberties  are 
the  gift  of  God?  ihac  ihey  are  not  to  be  violated  but  with 
his  wrath  ?  Indeed,  I  tremble  for  my  country  when  I  re- 
flect that  God  is  just — that  his  justice  cannot  sleep  for  ever 
' — that  an  exchange  of  situation  is  among  possible  events — ■ 
that  it  may  become  probable  by  supernatural  interference."* 
You  will  find  it  true,  that  righteousness  exalteth  a  nation^ 
and  that  sin  is  a  reproach  to  ani/  peopk.f 

In  concluding  this  discourse,  let  me  warn  my  hearers 
to  consider  the  evil  hand  they  may  have  in  the  system  of 
slavery,  and  especially  that  they  are  by  nature  in  the  worst 
of  slavery  themselves.  Come  for  deliverance  from  the 
bondage  of  sin  into  the  Son  of  God :  for,  whom  the  Son 
makes  free,  shall  be  free  indeed.  Standing  fast  in  this 
liberty,  use  it  in  the  service  of  God  and  of  man.  You  are 
no  more  your  own;  ye  are  bought  with  a  price:  Glo~ 
rifij  God  in  your  bodies  and  spirits  which  are  his.  Amen. 

•  Jefferson's  Notes..  ^  ProT.  xlv.  34. 


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